# Chapter 7 Chapter IV 1.Speaking of Walter Scott's Na- poleon, Goethe says that Scott"speaks as a law-abiding and honest com- moner who makes an effort to judge deeds in a pious and conscientious spirit and who strictly guards himself against the whole Machiavellian view without which,however,one would hardly wish to concern oneself with the history of the world.”(Letter to Zelter of December 4, 1827).In his Annalen (I794)he speaks of Fich- te's unguarded utterances “about God and divine things about which sub- jects one does well to preserve a profound silence.”What Goethe un- derstood by Machiavellianism appears from the following sentence (Maxi- men und Reflexionen):“ Everything which is Spinozist in the element of poetic production becomes Machia- vel2lnmngthteheemlemisenFtice,rfctwion”t so far as to call him“a professed pagan.”Fichte says that one ought not to defend Machiavelli against the charge of having been an enemy to Christianity but that one ought to try to understand that enmity his- torically.He concludes this argument with the remark that“in spite of all this,Machiavelli has taken care to depart from life properly supplied with all sacraments of the Church and this no doubt was very good for the children whom he left behind as well as for his writings."(Machia- velli, ed.Scholz,I2.) 3. Florentine Histories,VII 6;let- ter to Vettori of April 16,I527. Cf. Art of War I near the beginning. 4. Discourses III 30(410); cf. Opere II 802 and pages I7-I9 above. See Savonarola, Prediche sopra Ezechiele II, V,XXXVI and Prediche sopra l'Esodo XX. 5.Cf. page 86 above. 6.Cf.I ro(I24)and 17(14I)with Dante, Monarchia I 16 and II II;Art of War I(459). 7.Ir(96),II(I25),I2(I29,I30), and 14(I33). 8.II 2(237-238).Cf.I 12(I30), II 16(272),and II r(330). 9.If we remember correctly,the expression "we believe"never occurs in either of the two books. 1o. I 21. Cf. the corresponding use of“first cause”in the two central chapters of the Prince,chs.I3(45) and 14(46),as well as of"sin"(the sins narrated by Machiavelli as op- posed to the sins believed in by Savo- narola)in Prince ch.12(39).See also the remark on"the second cause of our ruin”in Discourses I I2(I30); cf.Discourses III 33(417).I 2I may be said to be the central chapter of the central section of I;consider the end of I 22 in the light of ch.3,note 24 above.—In the only reference to the Bible which occurs in the Prince —the reference occurs in the center of the central chapter of the section dealing with arms-Machiavelli avails himself of the authority of the Biblical 》330《 story of David in order to prove that only one's own arms are good. The emphasis is on the opposition between one's own arms and the arms of others.Machiavelli completely dis- regards what the Bible says in the context about Divine assistance to David.Since he had taught at the beginning of the section on arms that good arms are the one thing needful,he can be said to misuse the authority of the Bible in order to establish the anti-Biblical truth par excellence.From his point of view reliance on Divine assistance would be,to say the least,reliance on the arms of others.In his letter to Vet- tori of June I0,I514 he speaks of God in the same context in which he speaks of Fortuna in the Epistle Dedi- catory to the Prince;cf. the thesis of I2.II 4(244-245),I9 (285-286), III 9(362),16(381),2I(390),and 28 end. 13.Cf.ch.3,note 34 above. 14.Cf.II 2(239). 15.Cf.pages 68-69,8o and IIO above. 16.Cf.page I40 above. 17. Prince chs.8(Cesare was re- vered by the soldiers)and 19(Se- verus was revered by everyone);Dis- courses I 1o(123),II pr.(229)and III 6-7; Florentine Histories I 9 be- ginning. Cf. ch.I, note 62 and ch.3, note 86 above. 18.. Discourses I pr.beginning and II pr.(228-229). 19. Discourses I I7-18.The ex- ample of Regulus occurs after Ma- chiavelli had indicated that he will use in the sequel only modern ex- amples(283).Cf. Art of War II(484- 486)and page 159 above. 20. Prince ch.3(13); Discourses I 55(2II-2I2),II pr.(228),and III 4I;Art of War I(466); Florentine Histories I 17.Cf.ch.I,note 30 and ch.2,note Io above. NOTES 21. Princ e ch.I2(4o); Discourses II 2(238),3(241)and 27(31o).Cf. Prince ch.5 and Discourses II 32 (323). Florentine Histories VI 18. 22. Prince ch.26 (8I,83);Dis- courses Ir(95),II end, I9-20, 26,45 9, )1,I Florentine2( 3i9se)s,8V(254-2, III 7; Art of War II(506-508)and VI(586-587).Cf.Livy VIII I2.I.Cf. pages 8o,93-94,II2-II3,I52-153 and 163 as well as ch.I,note 68 above. 23. Princ e chs.6(20),II begin- ning and 12(38-39,42);Discourses II II,19(288),20(289)and III 6 (340); Florentine Histories I I,I9, 39 and VIII 5;Opere I 648-650 and II 474,475,481.Consider the com- parison of the state of the Sultan (which is supported by his soldiers so that he can utterly disregard the demands of the people)with the Christian pontificate in Prince ch.I9 (652-46.6 ,imaeus 24a3-b3; Politics 1328- b6-24 and 1329a27-34.Cf.Averroes, Commentary on Plato's Republic, ed. E.I.J.Rosenthal,II I7·3-5 and III 5.6. 25. Prince ch.II; Florentine His- tories I 30,VII 22,VIII I7; Art of War II(509).Cf.Discourses I7(II4) and 20 end.Cf.Hume, History of England ch.I2 near the beginning: “ ...ecclesiastical power,as it can always cover its operations under a cloak of sanctity,and attacks men on the side where they dare not employ their reason,lies less under control than civil government.”Cf.pages 10IIisacnors1e0-II82(0o)ve. 27.Cf.ch.2,note 3r above. 28.Di scourses I 27.This chapter is the only one which begins with the word “Pope.”The preceding chap- ter is the only one in which the New Testament is quoted. 29.Cf.Di scourses II 2(237-238)on the bloody sacrifices of brutes by the ancients and II 16(270)on Manlius Torquatus by whose command his NOTES son was killed;cf.III3 end,on the difference between Roman and mod- ern faithlessness. 30. Prince chs.I8 end,and 2I be- ginning.Cf. Prince chs.8(30)and 19(62-63);Discourses I Io and 26; Art of War I(508-509);letter to Vettori of April 29,I513.Machiavelli devotes two subsequent chapters of the Prince (chs.I7-18)to the sub- jects of cruelty and faithlessness.In the chapter on cruelty the emphasis is on ancient examples;the only modern example mentioned therein is Cesare Borgia.In the chapter on faith- lessness only modern examples occur; the only example mentioned therein by name is that of Pope Alexander VI. In the next chapter Machiavelli dis- cusses the emperor Severus who was outstanding both as a fox and as a lion.In Discourses II 2I, Hannibal appears as a perfect embodiment of both cruelty and faithlessness or im- piety;Hannibal did not combine cru- elty and faithlessness with piety.In the parallel in the Prince (ch.17) Machiavelli speaks only of Hannibal's cruelty and his innumerable other virtues, one of the latter probably being his lack of religious hypocrisy. 8)is immediately preceded by a dis- 》33I《 cussion of the conquest of “a part of Syria"by Moses and Joshua. 32. Discourses II 2I(cf. Prince ch.I7)and 22. Cf.Di scourses I 1o (I24),III 33 beginning and Opere II 803. Cf. page s I18 and 162-164 above. 33.Cf.page 49 above. 34. Prince ch.6(I9-20); Discourses I I(126),II 23(298),and III 22 (393). 35.Nahum I.2.Cf.pages I30,I43, I52-153,I56-157 and 166-167 above. In quoting Livy III 53.7 Machiavelli replaces “hatred”by“damning”(Dis- cos .es III I(330)and 6 (3 . c).ourses I 17(142),18(I46), and III 29.Cf.I 24 and the quotation from Dante in I II. 38.Cf. Discourses I 43 and III 22 (395).Cf.ch.3,note 179 above. 39. Princ e chs.6(18,19)and 26 (82);Discourses I I(127),30 begin- ning,II 24(303),33(325),III 3I, and 33(417).Cf.Savonarola,Predi- che sopra Ezechiele XXX: Sathanas ...d esiderò(la eccellenzia) per pro- pria virtù e da sè delettazione dello onore proprio.Ib.XLVII:il vero cristiano ...è debole quanto alla prrpevirtu.lius I“did everything for the increase of the Church as distinguished from the increase of any private man";yet everyone aims at his glory and wealth-Prince chs. II (38) and 25(7 9)一；he sought his own glory in making the Church great. Cf.S avonarola, Prediche sopra I'Esodo IV:queste donne disseno la .i-a2.1..]ech icDe ioqlii dlifittodu[ 41. Prince chs.I2,I5,and 25;Dis- courses I 6(II0, III-II2), 29,37 be- ginning,38(180-18ɪ),40(184-185, 188), 55 (2I2-213),I 8(25I-252), 1o(256),I4,25(306),III I(330), 9, II (368),2I,22,25 end,and 28. Cf.pages 148-149 and ch.3, note 85 above . 42. Prince ch. 25(79); Discourses 》332 《 I I(I25),29(16I-I62),38(18o-181), 45(I92)and II 25.Cf.Livy XXXIV 15 end and XXXVII 57.15.See pages 42-43,II8-1I9 and 156-157 above. 43. Prince ch. I5( 49); Discourses II pr.(227-228),III 25(400-401)and 3I;Opere I 643;letter to Vettori of January 3I,I514.Regarding "redemp- tion"cf. Prince ch.26(84)and page 135 above; see the reference to"the highest Redeemer"in a speech of am- bassadors to the Pope in Florentine Histories VIII 21.—In the heading of Discourses I 4I Machiavelli speaks of “humility”;in the body of the chap- ter he replaces it by "humanity";Livy had spoken of comitas;see I 40(184). In the heading and the first line of II 14 Machiavelli speaks of “humility”; in the sequel he substitutes for it “patience”and “modesty”through the mouth of Livy and“cowardice” in his own name.See also III 3 and 9(363).The emphatically"true ex- ample”of humanity given in III 20 is Roman,an action of Camillus.Cf. in III 30 the mention of Camillus' and Piero Soderini's“goodness”with the silence there and elsewhere about the “goodness”of the two other chief characters of III 30,Moses and Savo- narola.At the end of Prince ch.II, Machiavelli speaks of the“goodness” of Pope Leo X who had“found” the Christian pontificate most power- ful;as for the difference between find- ing a state already established and founding it,see Prince ch.I9 end. Se 4paFgleosre4n Hasd IIot 3,3I l, d. VII 23. 45.I 27(cf.note 28 above).We have tried to preserve the ambiguity of pietoso rispetto by speaking of “pious or compassionate respect.”Cf. II 28.(In the context to which Ma- chiavelli refers,Livy-V 36.6 and 8, and 374-uses ius gentium and ius humanum synonymously.) 46.I 55(2I0-2II).In the ancient example Machiavelli mentions Apollo NOTES twice(there occurs no reference to Apollo or any other god or to gods in general in the First Book outside the section on the Roman religion,i.e.I II-I5); all the more striking is the si- lence on God in the modern example. 47.I 30,which is the central chap- ter of the section on ingratitude. As for the significance of the subject of gratitude,see Machiavelli's Esorta- zione alla penitenza. 48.II 14,I5,and 23 beginning. 49. Florentine Histories III I3. 50. III 6(338,340,343,344,349- 354); cf. III 25 (401).Cf. pages 145- I46 above. 5I.Cf.III 9(362)with II 2(237). 52.The distinction between core and periphery has taken the place of the distinction between the original teaching and later distortions;in the earlier distinction,the original means either the explicit teaching of the Bible or else that part of the Biblical teaching of which a combination of philology and psychology proves that it is the original.Moved by the spirit of this higher criticism,Nietzsche as- serts that the notions of guilt and punishment are absent from "the psy- chology of.the ‘gospel'.”(This asser- tion occurs in that section of the Anti-Christ which by an amazing ac- cident is the 33d section.)The crucial difference between Nietzsche's and Machiavelli's criticism of Christianity is that Machiavelli regards the no- tions of guilt and punishment as es- sei.Ia to 7J,sIus'tea2c0h-,II 4,17,28, VIII 1o and II. 54.VI 34 and VIII 19-2I;cf.I II. See the following note on VIII 36.— In reading Machiavelli's statements about the prince or a prince,one must always consider what they would mean if they were applied to God.— As regards “good cavalry,”cf. page 18r above. 55.As for Machiavelli's opinion of miracles,see pages 73-74 and 145-146 above.-Only if "one”applied“an NOTES extreme force,"could a corrupt mat- ter become good;“I do not know whether this has ever happened or whether it is possible for it to happen; for one sees...that if it ever happens 。..it happens through the virtue of a human being who is alive at that time”: Discourses I 17(I42). With a view to the fact that a miracle is an event the cause of which is God,the causa occulta simpliciter (cf. Savonarola ,Prediche sopra Ezechiele XLII),we note that Machiavelli speaks very rarely of occult causes or occult virtues.The occult cause of which he speaks in Discourses I 3 is the cause which conceals(oc- culta)a malignity for some time; that cause may be deceit or fear.(See also Florentine Histories I 3 end.)In Discourses I 58 and II 32 Machiavelli asserts with some qualifications the existence of occult virtues("it ap- pears”and “one can judge that it was rather by an occult virtue than...”); see also Florentine Histories VII 18. In the last section of the Florentine Histories (VIII 36), in the eulogy of Lorenzo Magnifico,who was “loved by Fortuna and by God to the high- est degree," Machiavelli uses “mar- vel” or “marvellous”with unusual ac l5e6”.ereincaelso sc. Is6e)sad 291(31().. Cf.pages 57-58 and 184-185 above. 57. Prince chs.7(23,26)and 26 (82). 58.Discourses III 6(34I-342,350). 59. While avoiding in the Prince and the Discourses the use of anima, he uses in the two books animo very frequently.(Burckhardt ,Die Kultur der Renaissance in Italien,16th ed., 476 refers to a writer who speaks of “his animo or anima”;Burckhardt adds the remark that at that time philology liked to embarrass theology by that distinction. )The greatest density of animo in the Prince is to be found in the 7th chapter;in the 7th chapter of the Discourses, animo is used syn- 》333《 onymously with "humors,"whereas in I 45(I92)Machiavelli makes a distinction between animo and umori. Cf.Art of War I(470)on Caesar's principle ;cf. also the substitution of animo for anima in Decamero n I 7 toward the end with the reference to Epicurus'denial of the eternity of the souls in I 6. Animo occurs in Dis- courses III more frequently than in I and II taken together;the greatest densities occur in II 6(25 times) and 3I(8 times).In III 3I we are struck by the sentence “the vileness of their animo made them lose.。。 the animo”; see also the heading("the same animo and their same dignity”) and Prince ch.7(26). Spirito is used in the two books with extreme rarity; Discourses III 3I is one of the very few chapters in which spirito occurs; for the interpretation of that chapter, consider page 148 above. 6o. Discourses I 1o end.Cf.with the reference to sempiterna infamia the reference to perpetuo onore near the beginning of the chapter.In the Christian context of I 27 Machiavelli speaks of“eternal memory”;in the similar context of I 29 he speaks of “eternal infamy.” 6r.P rince ch.I5. 62. Discourses III 6(343). 63. Discourses I 2(98).Cf.Poly- bius VI 54-7. 64.Consider Averroes'Commentary on Plato's Republic, ed.cit.,I II.3-6 and I 7. 65.Discourses I pr.(9o),II end, 39 beginning,II 5 beginning and II 43 beginning(cf.ch.I,note g above). Cf.I ro(I24)with Dante, Paradiso 7.26.Cf.Thomas Aquinas,Summa Theologica, Iq.95a.2.and q.98a.2. 66.Di scourse s II pr.(228). 67.Di scourses II 5(246,248).—Sa- vonarola, Prediche sopra Ezechiele,VI says that God created the world as it were a few years ago;the years of the world sono poco più di sei mila anni o quanti si sieno. 68.Cf.page I75 above.Regarding 》334《 Averroes'assertion that God is the formal and final and not the efficient cause of the world, see Harry A. Wolfson,“Averroes'lost treatise on the prime mover,"The Hebrew Un- ion College Annual, XXIII I,pp.685, 702 and 704-705.-Savonarola,Predi- che sopra l'Esodo,XX:Sono diverse scuole,tomisti ,scotisti e averroisti intra e'moderni,come erano anche antiche scuole di filosofi Stoici,peri- pati ir n tri. ch.18(56-57);cf.Dis- courses II I3(265),22 (294)a nd III 14(378). 70. Discourses I 49 and III 49.See pages 40,I23,I42-I46,165-167 and note 43 above. 71. Prince chs.6 and II;cf.the sim- ilar remark on Savonarola in Dis- courses I I(I28).Remarks of this kind occur in the Prince rather than in the Discourses. Only in the Prince does Machiavelli draw our attention so clearly to the presumptuous and temerarious character of his under- taking, as distinguished from its mere- ly dangerous character.This confirms the contention that in some respects the Prince is more outspoken than the Discourses. 72.Cf. Prince ch.6 with ch.I8 (55).Cf.pages 93-94 and ch.3,note 165 above.L.A.Burd,Il Principe, Oxford,I89I ,55, quotes the follow- ing remark by Innocent Gentillet: “Cest atheiste voulant montrer tou- jours de plus fort qu'il ne croit point aux sainctes Escritures,a bien osé vomir ce blaspheme de dire que Moyse de sa propre vertu et par les armes s'est fait Prince des Hebreux. ...”Cf.Discourses II 5 on the hu- ma7n3..rnceof alh. e(l2ig1i)o.e titles of Prince chs.6 and 7 suggest in con- junction with the content of these chapters that whereas Moses acquired his principality by virtue,Cesare Bor- gia acquired his principality by chance.It appears from ch.7 that Cesare's virtue was decisive for his NOTES success;therefore the example of his actions is the best precept for a new prince which Maehiavelli can give.(The reference in Prince ch.I3 end to"the four mentioned by me above,"i.e.Cesare,Hiero,David and Charles VII to whom Machiavelli now adds Philip of Macedon,makes us also think of“the four mentioned above”in the 6th chapter, i.e. Moses, Cyrus,Romulus and Theseus to whom Machiavelli adds Hiero at the end of that chapter;Cesare occupies the same place in ch.I3 which Moses oC- cupies in ch.6.When speaking of Hiero in ch.I3,Machiavelli calls him“one of those mentioned by me above.")Cesare,it appears,became great by using among other means dissimulation and fraud.Dissimulation and fraud would thus be required of any new prince or of any founder. They were used by Cyrus(Discourses II 13)who is mentioned together with Moses in Prince chs.6 and 26.Machia- velli leaves it to the reader to draw the conclusion regarding Moses.Ma- chiavelli finds similarity between the “actions”of Moses and Cyrus;he does not find.similarity between their “Iives”:in the “life”of Cyrus written by Xenophon Cyrus is presented as a model of “humanity. ” See Prince ch.I4 end as well as Discourses I . 0f4(.338P-94r)iad Jcus2st.3 ith 75.D iscourses I II,I2(I29)and I3(I33).Cf.I 39 which is linked to I 13 by the example of Terentillus. Cf.pages 74 and 146-147 above. 76. Discourses I 8(I16),49(I99), II 5(336)and 8(359).Cf.I 59 (222)with Plutarch, Demetrius chs. Io and 13.Cf.II 3I with Livy VIII 24.I,6,I4-15.We read in Livy XXX- II 33 that Titus Quinctius was about 33 years old when he was hailed by the Greeks as their liberator;the Greeks expressed the opinion esse aliquam in terris gentem quae sua impensa,suo labore ac periculo bella NOTES gerat pro libertate aliorum ... maria traiciat ne quod toto orbe terrarum iniustum imperium sit, ubique ius fas lex potentissima sint... hoc spe con- cipere audacis animi fuisse,ad effec- tum adducere et virtutis et fortunae ingentis. Cf.ch.3,note 159 above. 77.See pages 176-177 and 184-185 above.Cf. Prince chs.I0(34),I3 (44)and I9(6o,61);Discourses II 30 end. 78.Prince chs.I2 (42) and 22 (74);Discourses I 4(104),37 end, 45 and 47(I97-I98); Florentine His- tories III 1. Cf. pages II3, 127 and I50-153 above. 79. Discourses I 58(2I7-218)and 8 (I16);cf.II 2 (237 ).S ee Livy VI 16.2 and 8,17.5 and 20.16.Cf.ch.3,note 178 above.-Machiavelli draws our at- tention to the sanguis servatoris by, shortly after I 58,namely in I 6o,mak- ing Valerius Corvinus speak of proe- 32.I4) makes him speak of generis praemium. Valerius Corvinus whom Machiavelli temporarily calls Publi- cola is presented in Discourses III 22 as the representativ e of the type of gentle or charitable captain(cf.Livy VII 40.3)in opposition to Manlius Torquatus,the representative of the type of harsh captain.As for the rela- tion in Machiavelli's thought between Manlius Capitolinus and Manlius Tor- quatus ,cf. Discourses III 46 as well as pages 163-165 and ch.3,note I46 above . 8o.Cf.I 29 (16o-161),53(208-209), 58(22I),II 5 beginning,I2(261) and II ro.See pages I30 and 157 as well as ch.I,note 48 above. 8I. I 58(219),II I beginning,III I(33 0),2(332),23,29,and 33(416); Art of War VI (59I-592).Cf.pages 127-13I and note 46 as well as ch. 3, notes 56 and 162 above. 82.Savonarola, Prediche sopra l'E- sodo X:Tutte le cose che sentono, questi filosofi e astrologi le vogliono risolvere in cause naturali,o attribuir- le al cielo più presto che a Dio. 一 》335《 Prediche sopra Ezechiele XLVI:Dice lo astrologo: Ecco il cielo che è mio Dio. According to Savonarola,even the soul has greater power(virtù) than heaven. 83.Discourses I pr.(9o),6(II2), I9(I 47), II pr. (230),2(238),5, and III r beginning. 84.II 29;cf.I ro end and I be- ginning. 85.Cf. Discourses III I with Dante, Inferno 7.67-96.Cf.note Io above. 86.I 56 and I 29;each chapter is the fifth before the end of the Book to which it belongs (as for other correspondances between the ends of the First and the Second Book, see ch.3,note 36 above. II 29 is the 33d chapter after I 56.The Livian stories on which the arguments of I 56 and I 29 are based belong to- gether;they are all concerned with the war between the Romans and the Gauls led by Brennus.No chapter heading of the Discourses mentions God or gods or heaven;fortuna is 3e,Itio,eI ,2i,I x c9h,3aIp)enrdhe nidgesnt(iI in seven(I 3,16,39,40,56,II 5,23); caso occurs only in one chapter head- ing (I 22) where it means not “chance”but“case.” 87.Cf.pages 18-I9 and 48 above. 88.Cf.Cicero, De divinatione I 64: tribus modis cense t (P osidonius) deorum appulsu homines somniare: uno quod praevideat animus ipse per sese, quippe qui deorum cognatione teneatur,altero quod plenus aer sit immortalium animorum,in quibus tamquam insignitae notae veritatis appareant,tertio quod ipsi di cum dor- mientibus colloquantur.Cf.also Pom- ponazzo ,Tr actatus de immortalitate ane ,caII.8-I29)and II 5. 90.Cf.pages 188-189 above.The intelligences in the air may remind us of"t he prince of the power of the air” of Ephesians 2.2.—Discourses I 58 (219). 91.Regarding the context of I 56, 》336《 see also pages 109-IIo and I93- 194 as well as ch.I,note 3,ch.3,note 24 an2. ol 8pe.s the same function regarding the invasion of Italy by the French which the Roman plebeian performs regarding the in- vasion of Italy by the Gauls.Cf.the correspondence between Savonarola and the plebeian Virginius in Dis- courses I 45. 93.Cf. Prince ch.I2(39). 94.Discourses I 34(I7I-172). 95.Cf.page I22 above. 96.Cf. Prince ch.26(82). 97. Prince, Ep.ded.and ch.7(22); Discourses II pr.(229,230).Cf.Dis- courses II 1o near the beginning(the silence about divine benevolence.) In his letter to Vernacci of June 26, I513 Machiavelli contrasts“the grace of God”with the deficient kindness of"the heavens”(e'cieli ). 99.Livy V37 ff.Cf.page 137 above. Near the beginning of Discourses II 30 Machiavelli substitutes fortuna for Livy's “gods and men"(V 49.I). 1oo.Discourses II 30 end;Prince ch.25 end.Cf.page I57 above. IOI.Machiavelli discusses in III I the restoration of mixed bodies in this order:republics,religions,king- doms. 102.As for the connection between I 29 and III 48,the chapter on the meaning of manifest mistakes,see page 35 above.Cf.also the thesis of I 2(Rome owed her polity to chance or to“accidents”)with the thesis of II r(Rome owed her empire to vir- tu 0 t( 0)unaI. 5(247- 248);cf.II pr.(229)with I 37 be- ginning.Cf. Art of War,near the I04.Cf.II r beginning and II 5; cf.I6(ro8). 105.II r.(We may note that II I, the chapter showing that Rome owed NOTES her greatness to virtue rather than to luck,has the same distance from I 56,the chapter on heavenly signs, which III r where fortuna is replaced by extrinsic accidents,has from II 29,the chapter on Fortuna as a thinking and willing being through whose election Rome rose to great- ness.)Cf.I 2(97,IOI),4,II(127), III 9,and 29;also Prince chs.6 and 7 · 106. Florentine Histories VIII 36. Machiavelli says that Lorenzo“was loved by fortuna and by God to the highest degree”and he shows by what he says in the sequel regarding the fatal consequences of Lorenzo's death that what he said of Lorenzo cannot be said of Italy or of Florence. Cf.pages I97-198 above. 107. Discourses II 9;Prince ch. 25. 108.Cf. Discourses III 3I with Prince ch. 18 end. Cf. the cross ref- erence in Discourses III 3I(412)to II 30,the chapter which culminates in the call to "regulate Fortuna." Cf. ibid. (413) the reference to“more than 2500o.”Cf.pages 148-149 and 189-9I above. 109.Cf.D iscourses III 33(417)and pages 2I5-216 above.Cf.also Prince chs.6(18)and 26 beginning:Machia- velli replaces the distinction between "fortuna-occasion-matter”and“form- virtue”by the distinction between “matter-occasion”and"form-virtue.” IIo.In Discourses III I(327-328), Machiavelli distinguishes first between "extrinsic accident” and “intrinsic prudence ”and then between"extrin- sic accident”and“intrinsic accident”; "intrinsic accidents"are the same as, or at any rate include,"intrinsic pru- dence .” III.I II(I26-128),I2(I28-I29), 39 beginning,47,II 22(293),III 6 (353),33(416,417),and 34 heading. Cf.pages 56-57,208-209 and 2I3 above. -When quoting in II 33(417)two sentences regarding an accident which were put by Livy into the mouth of NOTES a dictator,Machiavelli makes three important changes.Whereas the Livi- an character speaks of “the fortune of the place,"Machiavelli makes him speak of ”fortune”and thus indicates the generality of the problem;be- sides,he omits the intervening sen- tence in which the dictator ascribes the accident in question to the gods; finally,he omits the prayer of the dictator to the gods,witnesses of the treaty,that they should exact from the enemy the penalties due to them If- ict)ty(Li 6(I9).As for the context of both statements,cf.pages 58-60 above.See also pages 74 and 187-188 above. I3.Cf.pages 20I-203 above. 114.Cf.e.g.Cicero,De natura de- orum I 33-35 and Acad.Pos t.I 29. I15. Discourses I 2(98,I0I),6 (108),and III r(327); Polybius VI 5.I,4,8;6.2;7.1; 9.I0, I3-14. 16.Dante, Inferno 4. I36; cf .Plato, Laws 889aqff. I17. Discourses. II 5(248)and II I(327).In the Florentine Histories, Machiavelli puts the distinction be- tween mixed bodies (i.e .societies)and simple bodies(i.e.living beings)into the mouth of the exiled Rinaldo degli Albizzi who,anxious to return to his fatherland,makes great promises to a foreign prince.Rinaldo says of simple bodies that they frequently require “fire and iron” for their cure and of mixed bodies that they fre- quently require“iron”for their cure. When he made this distinction,he still had hope of returning to his earthly fatherland. At a later date, after he had lost all hope of return- ing to his earthly fatherland,he tried to gain the heavenly fatherland.Cf. Florentine Histories V 8 and 34 with (197):l e cose e gli accidenti di esse. Consider also the synonymous use of animo and umori in Discourses I 7 (cf. note 59 above).—Savonarola,Pre- 》337《 diche sopra Ezechiele XXXVIII: ogni corpo misto è composto di quattro elementi. I18."Superfluous matter": Dis- courses II 5(248).In the Prince and the Discourses taken together,"form" occurs I4 times and “matter”5r times. Cf.Discourses III 8("he could impress the form of his ambition on the cor- rupt matter”)and 36("natural furor and accidental order”). II9.2I4I.The saying borrowed from the devil in question concerns Lucca,Castruccio's city.Lucca is mentioned in,or in connection with, three sayings of Castruccio:nos.I3, 23,and 33.Machiavelli indicates the plan of the collection of sayings by ascribing the first of the sayings be- longing to the Diogenes-section(no. 22),and no other saying,to the young Castruccio. I20. Prince chs.6(19),8(28),I5 (49),and 20(68);Discourses I II,I2 (I28-I29),I4 beginning,I9(147),II 5,25(306),and III 1.Cf.pages I39- 140,I46-147,I84-185,189 and 218- 220 above. I2I. Prince chs.8(28)and 15(49); Discourses I ro(I2I,I24),II(I26), I2(I29),14 beginning,I7(I41),and 55(2I0-2II). I22. Discourses I ro (see the parallel in Opere II 538),II(I26-I28),I9, 2I,22,and 23(151).Cf.page 136 and ch.I,note 56 above.-The Roman republic was indebted for its empire to a mode and an order discovered by its "first legislator";that first legis- lator was either Romulus or Tullus or Appius Claudius but certainly not Numa.Cf.III(23r)and 3(241) with a view to the fact that the event discussed in II 3 took place under the reign of Tullus.Tullus had been called“a most prudent man”in I 21. In II 21 Machiavelli speaks of an event which took place 400 years after the Romans had begun to wage war;the event in question took place 400 years after the beginning of the reign of Numa.This tacit character- 》338《 ization of the reign of Numa contra- dicts the explicit characterization thereof;yet the implicit identification of religion and war can no longer be wholly surprising,especially if one remembers the parallelism be- tween the relation of Livy to the Latin Annius and the relation of the Biblical writers to God(cf.pages I38- 147 above).Dis courses III 21 is the central chapter of the Tacitean sub- section.Cf.also I 24(303)where another “most prudent”man is praised because he put his trust not in for- tresses but in his own virtue and prnDciesc.ourses (127),I3(I33),and the heading of I I2 with the body (130). I24. Prince chs.I2(39),14 begin- ning,I5,and 18(56-57). I25. Discourses I 12(I29)and III 29(407). I26.Cf. the first occurrence of “good”in the Prince:ch.3(8).Good- ness in this sense is relative to the character of the government;see Dis- courses IiI r ( 329). 127. Discourses I I(I25),I2(I28- 129),13(I32),I4,I5,II 16(270), III I2,and 32; Art of W ar IV end. Cf. the quotations from Livy which Machiavelli uses for describing the good militia on the one hand and the good captain on the other in Dis- courses II 36 and 38.Cf.pages 38, II9-I20,I38-14I and r50 above. I28. Discourses I 55 (2IO-2II). There is also this difference between the Roman and the German ex- amples:the Roman plebs did not pay the tithe after all,whereas the German citizens pay the tax.Dis- courses I I(I25-126),I3(I32-I33), 40(186),and II 25.Cf.also I 28 (3I2)where it is said that a Roman disaster was due only to the disre- gard of justice,with II I(327-328) where it seems to be said that that disaster was due to the disregard of both religion and justice. NOTES I29. Prince chs.9(3I)and r9(57); Discourses I 4(105),I3(I32),37 beginning,53(206),54,6o,II 23(299), 27(309),and II 40(433).Consider especially Florentine Histories III 13. Cf.page I30 above. 130. Discourses I 55(2I0-2II)and III I(327). I3I. Prince ch.I5(cf. Florentine Histories VII 24); Discourses I 18 (143)and 58(217);letters to Vettori of April 9,and December I0, I513 · See pages 77 and 164 above. I32. Discour ses III 39 and I 47; cf.the Epp.Dedd.of the Discourses and the Prin ce. I33. Discourses I 24(I53).“Ought” (“debbe” or“d ebet ”)occurs in 2I chapter headings of the Discourses and in one chapter heading of the Prince;three chapters (Prince ch.I4, Discourses I 2I and III I7)open with “ ...ought.” 134. Prince chs.I5(49)and 18 be- ginning;Discourses I 2(98),3 be- ginning,and 1o(I22). 135. Prince chs.8(28,30),II end, 15(49),16(50),I9(62),and 22 (74); Discourses I 2(98),9(II9), II(I27),18(I44),27,29 beginning, 30,III r(328,329),20,2I end,and 24.Cf. Florentine Histories IV 16. 136. Prince chs.8(28)and 19(60- 61); Discourses I pr.(89),4(104), 9-10,18(I45-146),27(I58),29,58 (218),59,II2(235-236),21(292),24 (30I-302),III 16(38o),20 and 40 beginning.Cf. Florentine Histories IV II end. 137. Prince ch.9(3I);Discourses I 6(r09),16(I38),29(I59),37(176) and III 25. 138. Prince ch.I9(64); Discourses I6(II2),33(168),58(218),II ro (258),23(298),30(318),III 2(332), 10(367),and 3I. I39. Prince ch.15(49).The ad- mittedly incomplete list contains II virtues and the corresponding II vices. The distinction between the first two virtues(liberality and the virtue of giving)is dropped in the following NOTES chapter;we have then in fact I0 virtues none of which is justice.The number reminds one of the number of virtues in Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics (IIo6b33-II08bg)where Io vir- tues concerned with passions are enu- merated;"if one adds justice which is concerned with operations,there will be altogether II virtues” (Thom- as, Summa theologica I 2, q.60.a.5 .c.). By reminding us of Aristotle's ethics, Machiavelli draws our attention to his implicit criticism of that doctrine. His list of Io virtues seems to lack order completely;for instance,in enumerating the various virtues and the corresponding vices he begins in 5 cases with the virtue and in 5 cases with the vice;this difficulty dis- appears once one remembers that from his point of view religion can- not be a virtue. At any rate the first half of the list ends with humanity which is Machiavelli's substitute for humility ,whereas the second half 140. Discourses I 10 (122-I23 ),47 and I 22; Prince ch.16.Cf. pages I03-I04 above. 141. Discourses III 40.The last two preceding references to the middle course occur in III 2I,the central chapter of the Tacitean subsection, and in III 2.Machiavelli refers in III 40 to the discussion of the middle course in II 23,the central sermon on a Livian text. I42. Prince chs.9 (3I),15(49), and 17(52); Discourses I 58(218)and III 31(41I-413).Cf.Livy IX 3.I I and 12 .2. 143. Prince chs.I5-16. 144. Discourses I6(IIO-II2);Prince ch. 1 6. 145. As appears from Discourses I 2 (98),especially when contrasted with Polybius VI 5.I0-6.9,knowledge of justice presupposes positive laws (there is no natural right), whereas knowledge of the honest(the moral) 》339《 precedes positive laws.Cf. page 236 above . 146.Di scourses I 26. I47. Discourses III 3(334),9(363- 364)and 21; Prince ch.18(55):mezz0 bestia e mezz0 uomo. 148.Letters to Vettori of August 3,1514,and of January 3I,I514(cf. Prince ch.I5); Florentin e Histories VIII 36.Cf. Discourses I6(III-II2). 149. Prince chs.I7(52)and 18 (56); Discourses III 2I(390-391).Cf. Discourses II 24(299). I50. Prince ch.8(30); Discourses I13 (I32),15( 136),and 41.In Dis- courses I 51 Machiavelli speaks of “this prudence well used”but he there means by “prudence ”a maxim or rule of prudence;cf.II 26 begin- ning. I51. Prince ch.8(28).In Discourses I 10(123),Machiavelli ascribes "vir- tue”to the“criminal”Severus.In Discourses I17(I4I)he distinguishes “goodness”and"virtue"in order to make clear that what is important is virtue.For the distinction between goodness and virtue,see also III I (327-328).Cf.also the distinction be- tween the wise and the good in Florentine Histories IV I and VII 13. In accordance with the change in the meaning of "virtue,""the true life”and"the due means"are also used in an amoral sense;see I 41,48 and III 9;cf. Prince chs.7(2I)and 12(4o)on Sforza. Cf. page 47 above. 152.In the only reference to the middle course which occurs in a chap- ter heading,Machiavelli says that the Romans avoided the middle course in passing judgments on their sub- jects( Discourses II 23).In the Art of War I(466-467),he recommends the middle course between pure com- pulsion and pure volunteering in re- cruiting soldiers(nè tutta forza nè tutta wolontà; cf.D iscourses I 23); cf.also Art of War II(527).In Florentine Histories IV r he in fact recommends liberty as the mean be- tween servitude and license.In Dis- 》340《 courses I 47,he speaks of a middle course taken by the Roman nobles; it consisted in their accepting the substitution of tribunes with consular power for the consuls,a substitution which satisfied them as well as the plebs;this middle course was in fact imposed on the nobility by the plebs; the nobles accepted that middle course because they were certain that they would not incur any serious loss by temporarily accepting it and that it would not work in the long run (cf. Discourses I 39 end).In this case the taking of the middle course was judicious.The middle course which the Romans avoided according to Discourses II 23 is the mean between forgiving or benefit- ing the defeated enemy and destroy- ing him;in deciding the fate of the defeated Latins,the Romans decided in the case of each important town whether it ought to be benefited or destroyed;the Romans avoided "the neutral course”which would have consisted in treating each town like every other town;the non-neutral or discerning course which the Ro- mans took is therefore in a sense a middle course between indiscriminate benefiting and indiscriminate destruc- tion;cf.also pages I56-157 above.In Discourses III 2,Machiavelli speaks of a middle course which would be "the truest(course)if it could be ob- served,but...I believe that this is impossible”;the course in question consists in staying not so near to princes that one becomes involved in their ruin nor so far from them that one cannot benefit from their ruin;the course recommended by Machiavelli to men who are unable temfarendop nf haer inacep:trcecoir tfayth locsoen alt n da ti al course between the course of the enemy and the course of the friend. I53. Cf. also page 8r and ch.3, note 179 above. NOTES 154.Opere II 530-53I. I55. Prince ch.21(73); Discourses I 6(IIo),49,III I(368),17 end, and 37 beginning. 156.Discourses II 2(237-238). 157. Prince ch.8(27-28).Cf.Dis- courses III 31.Compare however Di scourses II 18(28o)with III 2I. I58. Discourses I 58(220),II 24 (305),III 9,and 13. I59.To the criticism of the middle course in the Discourses there corre- sponds the criticism of neutrality in the Prince,ch.2I(7I-73).Machia- velli indicates the connection between "the middle course”and"the neutral course”in Discourses II 23(297), in a chapter preceded by a criticism of a particular form of neutrality (II 22).To understand the passage of the Prince on neutrality,one has to consider two things. The criticism of neutrality which occurs in the center of ch.21 corresponds to the remark on the imitation of Fortuna which occurs in the center of ch.20; and the criticism of neutrality is based to some extent on faith in the power of justice.In proportion as the faith in the power of justice or in the imitation of Fortuna is weakened,the case for neutrality(or the middle course)is strengthened.Cf.pages 9,n- e,8263an b -. adsiffwelncaes trcatment of“the neutral course”in the two books illustrates the relation of the two books. 16o. Prince ch.25.Cf.pages 215- 22I above.-See Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica I q.82.a.I. 16r. Discourses I 2(10o), 6(I II- II2), 14(133-I34), 18(145),38,and 5I. 162. Prince chs.8(27,30),I2(4I) and 15(49); Discourses I 9 end,17 (138),29(I59),II 1o(256),and III 30(409). 163. Discourses I Io(I22-I24),17 (14I),29(161),37(176),II 6,and III 24-25.Cf.pages I90-I9I above. 164.Cf.also the beginning of Dis- NOTES courses I 21.Prince chs. 7(24,26), 13(45),I8(55,57),21(71),22(74), 23(76),24 beginning,and 25;Dis- courses I 14(I33-134),I9(147),24 (154),33(168),40(185),4I-42,III 8(361),9,2I(390,3 91),22( 392- 394),and_46(440).Cf.A rt of War II(504),VI(586-587),and VII(616- 6181)6.5. Discourses III I2.Machiavelli's only reference to moral philosophers concerns their praise of necessity. Cf. I3(I03),28,29(160-161),30(162- 163),II I2(262),and 27(310-3II); Prince chs.I2(42)and 17(53).Cf. Flo1r6e6ntDiniescieIs IV 142(n8d),31( 0.3), 37(I75),II 6(248),8,III 8 (361), 12(372),16(382),and 30(409); Art of War VI(485)and VII(612). Cf.Livy V 48.6. 167.Discourses I 36(174),37(178), II 2(238),6,III 6(339,341),and 23 (397); Prince ch .17(53).On the subject of hunger cf. also Discourses II(94),7(13),32(166),and II 5(247).In re-telling a story in which Livy had spoken only of a plague (V 13-14),Machiavelli adds hunger to the plague: Discourses I13 (13x); cf.also Machiavelli's account of the Gallic invasion of Italy in Discourses II 8(25I-252)with Livy's account (V 33-34).Cf.Livy III 68.4-6.Cf. page I91 above.In Discourses III 26 Machiavelli, modifying Livy's report (IV 94- 5), makes the woman who gave occasion to civil strife in Ardea a rich heiress:Livy was not sufficient- ly attentive to the importance of wealth.If there was wealth in Ardea, it can be presumed that there was wealth in Rome at the same period, contrary to what the preceding chap- ter of the Discourses suggests;as re- gards the ambiguity of the thesis of that chapter, see pages I49-150 above. Consider also the disparagement of liberality in favor of parsimony and eve1n68s.tDinigsnoeusrsen PrIiIncero(2c8.5.9).As Machiavelli asserts,Livy tacitly con- 》34I《 tends that money is altogether un- important for winning wars whereas Livy explicitly contends that chance or good luck is important.Elsewhere (II I)Machiavelli says in explicit criticism of Livy that good soldiers cannot help having good luck;in the present context he says that good sol- diers cannot help coming into the possession of money;the status of money is not different from that of chance.As Machiavelli points out on other occasions(I 37,5I,II 6-and III ro),the Roman mode of warfare depended decisively on money,on a full treasury.The need for money is,to say the least,more evident than the need for Fortuna's favor. One is tempted to say that Machia- velli suggests that Fortuna be replaced by money.(As for the connection between Fortuna and money,see Prince ch.7 beginning.)At any rate, from Machiavelli's point of view Livy is not altogether sound regarding causes;cf .the preceding note as well as ch.3,note or and pages I22- I25,and 215 above.(Livy,the author- ity regarding the power and the in- tention of Fortuna,is introduced in II 10 as the authority vouching for the irrelevance of money and there- with for the relevance of Fortuna, with a view to the particular function of 16tghePrisnecetion-II II-Ic-st 7(5)h,c274)I, d is2,s niar w e,thend;psfcaocuer.s)es I I (94-96),3(103),18(I33,I34),29 (161), 35 (173),40 (188), 50(201), I 5(248),25(306),and III r(328- 330). I70. Discourses I pr.(89),1o(I24), 30 beginning,3I(164-165),38,60 (224),II 8(251),I7(277),24(30r), 33(325),III 8(361),I2(370-371), 16(381),and 36; Prince chs.6(18) and 26(81).Cf.Aristotle Politics I266b38ff.As regards the superiority of choice,see also Discourses I 20 which ,if read in conjunction with I II (127)and 1o(I23),says that where- 》342《 as nature does not give any guar- antee whatever for the succession of excellent rulers,choice or election makes such succession certain pro- vided deception and violence are not allowed to interfere.This extreme praise of“choice”is reasonably fol- lowed by an unusually emphatic blame of governments("they ought to be ashamed of themselves”). 171. Discourses I I(95),I4,I7 3(334),8,10(367-368),II(370),I2 (37I),and 30(409); Prince ch.3 (I2).Cf. Florentine Histories II 2 and VII 7.See pages II9-I20 above. 172. Prince chs.6(18)and 26(8I- 82);Discourses I I(95),I7(142), 18(145-146),21(I49),35(I74),4I, 55 (213),III 8(36I-362),and I6. Cf.Aristotle ,Politics I287b37ff. 173.Discourses III 35 (422,423); Prince ch.18 toward the end;Flor- entine Histories VIII 22.Cf.pages 83, 168-172 and 217-218 above. 174. Prince ch.I5;Discourses I 3 beginning;cf. Prince ch. 25(79)with Aristotle,Po litics I3II a30-3I;Plato, Republic 408 e ff.;Aristotle,Nico- machean Ethics I168b 15-28. 175. Discourses I 2(98),4(I104),Io (I24),18(I43),58(217),II 5(248) and III 36(424); Prince ch.I9 end. Cf.Aristotle,Politics 1253a 3I-37 as well as Plato, Laws 68od I-5 and 782b-c. Cf.pages 46,70-7I and 133 above. 176.Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics II02a 5-I2 and I18oa 24-28, Eudemian Ethics I248b 38ff.;Politics I264a I-5, I293b I-I4,24-26,I296a 32-b 2,I324b I-28,and 1333b 5-I4.—Discourses I 9(II9-I20),10(125),16(I38),29 (161),34(I7I-I72),II 2(235-236, 239),III 6(339)and 8(359-360).Cf. II 8(251)with the end of Sallustius' Bellum Jugurthinum to which Ma- chiavelli explicitly refers;whereas Sallustius had spoken of the Roman people fighting for glory,Machia- velli speaks of its fighting from am- bition. NOTES I77. Discourses I 16-18,20,29 end, 30(163-164),34(I71),35(I74),58 (219-220),59 and III 9(363); Prince ch.5(I7). 178.Discourses I 6(108),I7(I4I), 18(I45),34(I70),37(176),55(2I2), II 2(239-240),3(24I),I4,I9(285- 286),III 3(334),16(38I),20,2I (389),22 (394-396),23(397),25, 28,30(408),and 34(420); Florentine Histories I 39,II 42 and II r;Opere II 697-698. 179.Aristotle, Politics I327b 38-I328a I0;Plato, Republic 486b I0-I3,537a 4-7 and 619b 7-d 1; Prince ch.I7 (52).Cf.pages I9I-I92 and 239-240 above. 18o.Discourses I 4,7,9,Io(I2I), 16(I38),17(I42),18(I45-I46),25, 27,34(171),40(188),55(2I2-2I3), III 3,7,II,2I(391),29(407),40,4I (cf. Florentine Histories II 5 end) and 44; Prince ch.18 end.Cf.William (Philadelphia 1872),I,233;Aristotle, Politics I309a 39-b 6. 181. Discourses I pr.(89),I(95), 4(Io5),5-6,16(I39),25,29(161), 37(I78),40(186-187), 44,47- 48,49 (200-201), 50.(202), 53,6o,II 2(235- 236,239),16(270),I9(286),27(3II), and III 34(420-42I);Prince chs.3 (I2),9(3I -32),and 12(4I);Floren- tine Histories III r.Cf.ch.3,note 75 above.Machiavelli succinctly indi- cates his view of the relation of the great and the people by saying that a civil principality arises when the great make“one of them”or when the people make "one"a prince (Prince ch.9);it is unthinkable to him that the great should make a man of the people(say Mussolini or Hitler)a prince,whereas it makes sense to him that a great man(say Pericles or Caesar)should become prince through the people. 182. Discourses I 5,6(r09-IIo), 37,5I,60(224),I 2(239-240), 3,4,6,7,I9(288),III 25 and 49; NOTES Art of War V(563).Cf.page 249 above. 183. Discourses I I2(I30),I 4 (243,246),I3(265),2r beginning,III I2(37I)and 24(399); Art of War II(506-509).Cf.page 89 as well as ch.2,notes 29 and 45 above. 184. Discourses I 40(187)and II 2(235-23 6). 185. Prince ch.9(32); Discourses I 32(166),37(I76),38( I79,I8I), 5I,53 (206-207),54,55(2IO-2II),58 (220), 59,II 7,and III 9(363).Cf. Prince ch.16 with Livy IV 59.I0 (and 604). Cf.Di scourse s I 44 with Livy III 53. Florentine Histories II 34 beginning,41 end,III17,18 be- ginning,20 and VI 24.Cf.page 23I and ch.3,note 4I above. 186.Discourses III 13(375).In or- der to understand the passage,one must consider the inappropriate char- acter of two of the three examples (Lucullus, Gracchus and Pelopidas), and one must compare I Ir end,and 18 end.Cf.III 16(38o)with I 53 (208).See III I(329),20,22 (395), and Prince ch.I9 (61). Cf. pages I25 and 249 as well as note I26 above. 187. Discourses III 20-22 and 7 end. 188. Discourses I 40 and III 6(338, 356,357 ).Cf.ch. 3, note 109 above. 一 “Republic”occurs in 33 chapter head- ings, “prince ”(or“principality” )in 20,and“tyranny”in 2(I 1o and III 28;III 28 is the I2Ist chapter of the Discourses). 189.Discourses I ro(I24),II(I27), 12(130),43(19o), and II 2(239-240); Florentine Histories V r. Cf.S pinoza, Tractatu s politicus VI 40 and VIII 46 on the different status of religion in monarchies on the one hand and in republics on the other.Cf.page 227 abov e . I9o. Discourses I 2(98-99), 9,IO (I24),II(I25,I28),16( I37, I40), 17(I4I,142 ),18(1 45-146),23(15I), 55,58(220), III 4(335),5 (336),and 30. Cf. pages 249 and 252-253 above. I9r. Discourses I 16(I38-140) and II 30(409-410); Prince ch. I9 (62). 》343《 Cf. page 26 above. I92. Prince chs.3(I2),6(18-20), 8(28),9(32-33),I5,18(56),and 26 beginning ;Discourses I 9(I20),I0 (I23),I7(I4I),20,27,58(22o)and III 22(395-396).Cf.pages 24I-242 above.—Machiavelli's view of the sta- tus of moral virtue appears most clear- ly from his utterances and silences regarding chastity.He mentions chas- tity as the seventh virtue in his enu- meration of the moral virtues(Prince ch.I5),but whereas he speaks in the four following chapters of all other virtues enumerated in ch.I5,he is silent about chastity,even about the necessity of appearing chaste;for his remark that the prince must abstain from the women and especially from the property of his subjects can hard- ly be taken as a discussion of chas- tity;cf.chs.I7(53),18(56)and 19 (57)with the reference to Cyrus' chastity at the end of the preceding section of the Prince, i.e.at the end of ch. I4. As for the precept that the prince should abstain from women belonging to his subjects,cf. the si- lence on this theme in Discourses III 6(341)and r9(387)with I 37 end.Machiavelli does not mention the rape of Virginia in his enumera- tion of the mistakes committed by Appius Claudius(Discourses I 40). Cf. also the treatment of the Virginia incident in III 5.In III 26 he uses the Lucretia incident and the Vir- ginia incident in order to show that women have done great harm to states (cf.Livy I 57.Io).It is in this context and only there that Machiavelli re- fers explicitly to Aristotle:it seems at first glance that the only teaching ogtritsotoiithhurtwinhcheMira ajveltl ngrsnn sctihne wtichigomtnabutynetns regarding this teaching,and precisely regarding this teaching,there is a subtle disagreement.Cf. pages 257-258 above. -The emphasis in the Prince (see especially ch.I)on the kinds of 》344《 matter and modes of acquiring prin- cipalities as distinguished from the kinds of structures and purpose of principalities is justified by the fun- damental character of acquisition. I93.Discourses I 3,37(176,178), 40(187),46(193),and II 22(393- 395).Cf.I 50(201)with III II, I94. Prince chs.7(23-24),8(27, 29),and 9(31,33);Discourses I I (94),2(98),9(121),10(122-I24), 16(137,I39-140),25 end,26,29(161), 37(I77,I78),40(186,187),52(204, 205),II 2(235,236-237),13,III 4, 6(354,355,356),and 8(360);Opere I 707.Cf.Aristotle, Politics I297b I-Io and 1308b 33-1309a g.Cf.Hobbes' assertion that tyranny is merely mon- archy"misliked "(Leviathan ch.I9). Cf p9gDeis s bove.I 8(I16),24(154), and II 8(360-362).Cf.I pr.begin- ning,II 2(237-238),33(325)and III 9. I96.Prince chs.I9(6r-66)and 20 (67);Discourses I 40(187)and 4I. 197.Discourses III 2,3(334),6(338, 340,346-347,352,354,356),8(361- 362),9(363),II end,22(392),23 beginning, 30(408-409),34(419-420), 35,and 42.Cf.Livy I 56.7-12. I98.Discourses I 29(16ɪ),30,52, and II 28(313); Prince chs.22 and 23(76).The chapter containing the discussion of Soderini's possible switch from the cause of freedom to the cause of the Medici(I 52)is located in the middle between the two chap- ters of the Discourses which open with“I believe”(I 18 and II 26).Re- flection on the fact that I 52 contains the only density of “Piero”ever oc- curring in the book will show that it makes sense to describe that chapter as the most important chapter of the Discourses.Such reflection presup- poses especially a sufficient under- standing of I o. Cf. pages I03-I04 and 26 99ab vic.ourses II(95),2(98), 6(II2),16(138),37 beginning,46, and II 16(38r). NOTES 200. Prince chs. I5 (49),I7(53), and 18(55-57);Discourses I pr.be- ginning,3,9(I20),26-27,29(16o-161), 35(174),37 beginning,40(188),42, 47-48,57,58(217-2I9,22I),II (229),III 12(37I),and bes,De Cive,praef.See above . 201. Prince chs.2(6),9(32),I0 (35), 17(53), and 20 (69); Discourses I2(98),37(175),57 end, III 6(354), I2(371),23,30(409),34,and 43 (435).Cf.Polybius VI 6.2-4.In re- producing Livy II 44.7,Machiavelli replaces res Romana by il nome Ro- mano (Discourses II 25 beginning). Cf.page 270 above. 202. Prince ch. I7 (53); Discourses I7(II5),20,29 (159 -16o),30(163- 164),35-36,40(188),43,45 end,48, 60(224),II 2(235-236,239),24(30I, 303),33(325),II 1o beginning,I5 (379),21(390),and 28.Cf.III 28 with I g. 203. Prince chs.6(19),7(26)and 15(48);Discourses I pr.(89),58 (217),III 2(333)and 27(404).Cf. pages 242-244 as well as notes I52 and I59 above. 4I;cf.II ro(258)with Art of War IV(546-547),VI(585-586),and VII (612);Prince ch.25(79);Opere II 538-539;letter to Vettori of Decem- ber I0,I5I3.Cf.Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica,22 q.I32.a.4. ad 2.Cf.pages 28I-282 above. 206.Prince chs.3(I2),18(57), and 25(79);Discourses I ro(I22- I23),25 beginning,27(I58),53,58 (218),III 2 beginning,34,35(422) and 49(443); Florentin e Histories pr.;Opere II 538.Cf.page 274(Se- verus)as well as pages 44 and I36 above . NOTES 207.Discourses I 29(16r).Cf.page 250b e. Discourses III 3I beginning with Prince ch.8(28); Florentine Histories V r end.Cf.pages 218,253 and 282-283 above. According to Thomas Aquinas (Summa theologica 22 q.8o.a.I.ad 2.),humanity is a virtue regulating our relations with our inferiors. Cf. page 208 above. 209. Cf.pages 279-280 above. 2I1IoA.f. pfaoes 5A8r-sive. (cf.page 224 above),see Xenophon,Memora- bilia IIr. 2I2. Nicomachean Ethics I18ra I2- I7 · .. i.n scours . I(I12)4; .iscourses II 2(239),III II and 30(409). 215.Discourses I 18,55 and III 26 (cf.note 192 above).Plato, Laws 709d 10-71ob 2,711a 6-7 and 735d 2-e 5; cf. 69oa I-C 4. 216. Discourses I 58.Cf. also the de- fense of the people against Livy in Dis- courses III 13 and the corresponding change of a Livian story(IV 3I.3-4) in III 15 beginning. Cf.I 49 beginning 》345《 and end with the plebeian speeches in Livy IV 4.I-4 and 35.5-9.Cf.pages I27-132 above. 217.Cf.also the strange“depend- ence”of the Castruccio on Diogenes Laertius(cf.pages 224-225 above). 218. Cf. pages 24I-244,28o and 282- 283 above. 219.The quest for this kind of noble rhetoric,as distinguished from the other kind discussed in the Phae- drus,is characteristic of the Gorgias. Consider Aristotle, Metaphysics 1074b I-42.2.la,gesR l16 a9o3vae.6-494a 7. 221.Cf.from this point of view Hegel's “Vorrede zu Hinrichs'Re- ligionsphilosophie ”(Berliner Schrif- ten, ed. Hoffmeister,78-79)with the parallels in Plato's Republic.-Cf. pages I7I-173 and 25I-253 above. 222. Discourses II 5.Cf.Aristotle, Nicomachea n Ethics 1094a 26-b 7, Politic s I268b 22ff.and 1331a I-18(cf. [Thomas Aquinas']C ommentary on the Politics, VII,lectio IX.);Xeno- phon ,Hiero 9.9-10.Cf.ch.2,note 53 above. Index Adams, Henry ,30I Aristippus,2 24-225, 345 Aristophanes,295 Aristotle,23,32,59,I59,185,208,22I- 222,2 24-225,2 36,237-2 38, 244, 252- 253,254,255,258,270,273,290- 293,302,305,32I, 339,34I-345 Averroes,202,330,333,334 Bacon,Francis,176,301 Bacon, Roger ,328 Bayle , 3I 4 Boccaccio , 5I,31 6, 333 Burckhardt,Jakob,333 Burd,L.A,334 Cicero, 95, 107,I25,290,29I,317,335, 337 Dante,222,224,227,234,306,313,314, 322,329,33I,333,335,337 Democritus ,222 Diodorus Siculus,144 Diogenes the Cynic,224-225 Diogenes Laertius,224,345 Epicurus ,203, 222,292 Farabi ,318,32 8 Fichte,3 29 Fustel de Coulanges,32I Gemistus Plethon,328 Goethe,I74-175,329 Guicciardini,3 24 Hegel, 345 Herodian,I96 Hobbes,I5,55,I76,279,3II,344 Hume, 330 Jordan,W.K, 3II Justinus, 302,309,334 Livy,24,29-30,4I,42,48,49,52,88- 94,96-II5,I2I-I58,16o,I62-164, I70,I72,205,206,2II,212,213- 2I4,215,228,259,263,275,29I, 303,305,307,308,310,3II-313, 315-329,330-332,334-339,34I,343- 345 Locke,55 Marlowe,I3 Marsilius of Padua,317 Marxism, 203 McDonald,A.H.305 de'Medici,Lorenzo,305 Montesquieu,3 2I Nietzsche,303,332 Paine,Thomas,I3,I4 Petrarca,305 Pico della Mirandola,328,33I Plato,IO,I5,59,83,185,222,224,254, 258,269,288-294,304,327,337, 342,345 Plutarch,I37,3II,324,328,334 Polybius,III,I34,20I,222,280,290- 29I,3II,333,337,339,344 Pomponazzo,Pietro,33,335 》348《 Prescott,William H. 342 Ranke, 308 Rousseau,26,294 Sallustius,I24,137,167,342. Savonarola,I8,58,72,92,II2,175,183, 202,305,324,326,328,329,33I, Sen ,,I364,335,337 Spinoza,26,294,3I9,343 Statius,312 Swift, 309 INDEX Tacitus,50,I24,16o-165,168,187,189, I95,I99,320,323,325-326,338,339 Thomas Aquinas,333,339,340,344, 345 Thucydides,IO,264,292 Virgil, 313, 322 Voltaire,32I Wolfson,Harry A.,334 Xenophon ,59, 78,83,139,16r,162, 163, 29I,293,307,322,345 Political Philosophy Thoughts on MACHIAVELL Leo Strauss Leo Strauss recognized that the most visible fact about Machiavelli's doctrine is also the most useful one from which to begin the study of Machiavelli's thought:Machiavelli seems to be a teacher of wicked- ness.Strauss did not reject this fact but sought to incorporate it in his interpretation without permitting it to overwhelm or exhaust his exegesis. We are in sympathy with the simple opinion about Machiavelli [namely,the wickedness of his teaching],not only because it is wholesome, but above all because a failure to take that opinion seriously prevents one from doing justice to what is truly admirable in Machiavelli:the intrepidity of his thought,the grandeur of his vision, and the graceful subtlety of his speech." Strauss was himself sensitive to that subtlety of speech,"and re- sponded to it in kind even as he labored to put the message it carried before the reader.Thoughts on Machiavelli is not a Machiavellian book,but it respects the genius of the Florentine author,and pays him the respect of using his delicacy with grace and restraint. Thoughts on Machiavelli has won a place for itself in the corpus of Machiavelli scholarship.For the foreseeable future,it will stand as one of the works to be reckoned with by serious students of that author's work. 'W hen studying Machiavelli,every time that I have been thrown upon an uninhabited island I thought might be unexplored,I have come across a small sign saying, please deposit coin.'After I comply,a large sign flashed in neon lights that would have been visible from afar, with this message:'Leo Strauss was here."" —Harvey C.Mansfield, Jr., Political Theory LEO STRAUSS(1899-1973)joined the faculty of the University of Chicago as professor of political philosophy in 1949 and was later named Robert Maynard Hutchins Distinguished Service Professor. Among his many books are The Argument and the Action of Plato's Laws and The City and Man, both published by the University of Chicago Press. Paper ISBN:0-226-77702-2 A Phoenix Book published by the University of Chicago Press