# Chapter 6 Chapter Ill r. Discourses I pr.,II 2(237-238), 19 (285) and III 27(403-404);cf.III 30(41o)and 3I (413). 2. Discourses I pr.,II 5 and II 30 (41o).Cf. La Mandragola. 3. Discours es,Ep.Ded.and I pr. Cf.II 22(293)a nd II r toward the end. 4.See especially Discourse s II 2. 5.Di scourses III 17 and 25. 6. Discourses I 20. Cf.II 19(285, 288), 21 beginning and 32(324).The date suggested in the last mentioned passage almost coincides with the date at which the first decade of Livy ends.Cf.Opere I 683. 7.I 26,30,II 3I,III 32,35,40,43 and 44.Cf.ch.I,note 3 above. 8.The shortest chapter(I 48)has an unusually long chapter heading (34 words);there are only two other chapters(I 3I and 34)whose head- ings are of equal length. 9. Prediche sopra Ezechiele, X. Cf. Discourses II 5. 1o.I r(95),58(217), II pr.(228) and 5(247).O pere II 7II. II. Discourses II 2(235)and 4-5. Cf.Livy V 1.6 with Discourses I 4 end:while the power and glory of the ancient Tuscans was destroyed by Rome,the same cannot be said of their religion. I2.Ir(94-9 5),2 (100-IO1)and 9 (I20).Cf. Prince, chs.6(18)and I3 (43).In Discourses I I,the chapter on the building of cities,Machia- velli mentions repeatedly Alexander the Great,who appears from I 19 and 26 as a parallel to King Solomon, but he does not mention Solomon in that chapter,although he too was a builde r of cities (I Kings 9.I7-19). 13.Discourses I 2,4 and 6.Cf. I I2(372-373). 14. Discourses I 2(IOI-102),3 be- ginning and 4.By speaking of classi- cal political philosophy,I remain closer to Machiavelli than do those interpreters who speak of Polybius: Machiavelli does not mention Poly- bius.Cf.also I 2(98)where he ex- presses his opinion about the classical doctrine by imputing to it an inferior rhetoric (facilmente, con facilità, sanza difficultà).—As for Machiavel- li's praise of discord,cf.Plutarch, A5es iDlaio s-4.I 5-6. 16.Discourses II 3I (cf.Livy VIII 24.18).Neither II 26 nor I 26 contain modern examples while each of these chapters contains an Asiatic example. III 26 also does not contain modern examples.-I 3 beginning,39 begin- ning and I 16(270). 》3I2《 17. Discourse s I I end,II pr.end and III r end. Cf. I I5 end. 18.I13(referring to I 39);I 29 (referring to II);I 47 end(referring to III 28);II 22 (referring to III 16); II 23 end(referring to III 4I-42);II 26(referring to III 6,the chapter on conspiracies;cf.the somewhat dif- ferent reference to the same chapter in II 20).The connection between the themes of I 24 and 25 is estab- lished by the fact that both themes were mentioned in a single Florentine maxim,as appears from III 27(403) and Prince, ch. 20(67); starting from this maxim,Machiavelli looks out for Livian passages which he can use as pegs on which to hang his discussion of the themes; the passages in ques- tion occur in widely separated parts of Livy.(II 25 is the chapter contain- ing the unique reference to what had been said on the same subject in an- other chapter and"for another pur- pose.”)Near the beginning of III I3, Machiavelli speaks of what Livy says about a certain"place,"i.e.topic(lo- cus) as distinguished from a“place” in Livy;see on the other hand the ref- erence to“many places of(Livy's) history”a few lines afterwards,and to“many places”in Livy near the beginning of III 14.Note in III 26 the contrast between the reference to "this [Livian]text"and the reference to "the chapter in which we treat of conspiracies."Cf. also the use of “in its place”in the chapter on con- spiracies-III 6(339)-for referring to other places within that chapter;that chapter is a regular treatise by itself an9 tIsIIplan6 4o2f).cSouse enirsecluMrseas- ivelil'tse.ly following one another are explicitly connected with a view to the fact that they are discourses occasioned by the same Livian text; see I 40-43,53-54,and III 26-27. 20. I 9 beginning and 15 end(cf.I I end). 21.By references to Livy,I under- NOTES stand both Latin quotations from Livy regardless of whether or not they are introduced as statements from Livy,and summaries or indica- tions of Livian passages introduced by expressions like “Livy says,'“our his- torian says,""the history shows,""the text says,""the history of Horatius Cocles,"“one reads" etc.: the use of a Livian passage does not yet consti- tute a reference to Livy.For estab- lishing the sequence of references to Livy,I take into account only the first reference,if more than one reference occurs in a given chapter (I do not regard as a reference to Livy the formula of the Senatus consultum ultimum, which is quoted in I 34.)-The references to Livy in I I-15 lead us in a very irregular way from Livy II to Livy X;if one con- siders what has been indicated in ch. I note 56 above,one may understand why the references to Livy in I 16- 6o do no longer lead up to the end of Li . h.e expression "in the follow- ing chapter( s)” occurs 26 times at or near the end of the chapter.(Only in I7 cases.can the expression pos- sibly have the function of indicating the beginning or the end of a sec- tion.)In this connection we may note that I3 chapters of the Discourses begin with the first person of the personal pronoun. 23.Statius, Silvae I I V.22. 24. Every reader of the Discourses can see that I II-I5,I6-18,I9-24,25- 27 and 28-32 form separate sections. (This does not contradict our remark that there is no manifest plan in I 16-60:a clear division into sections does not by itself reveal a plan,since such a division does not necessarily reveal the reason for the sequence of the sections.)We observe that the expression “in the following chap- ter(s)”occurs at or near the end of I 14,16,22,25 ,2 6 and 28; the ex- pression as used at the end of I 22 links that chapter with the two fol- NOTES lowing chapters;hence the expression in question links the last chapters or the first chapters of a section.Since the expression occurs again at the ends of I 47 and of I 58,we tenta- tively assume that either I 47 is the beginning of a section or I 48 is the end of a section,and that I 59 is the end of another section.Expressions to the effect that the subject to be discussed in the immediate sequel is “not foreign to (my) purpose”occur at the beginning of I I3, the central chapter of a section,and at the be- ginning of I 18,the last chapter of a section.Since such expressions occur again near the beginnings of I 46 and of I 55 and at the end of I 58,and since the expression as used at the end of I 58 refers to the subject matter of I 59,we tentatively assume that I 46 and I 59 are ends of sections while abstaining for the time being from trying to guess what the use of that expression means in I 55.We note however in passing that such expres- sions occur only three times at the end of a chapter:at the end of I 58, the second chapter before the last in I,at the end of I 3I,the second chap- ter before the last in II,and at the end of II 5 where it helps to intro- duce the chapter on conspiracies which is the g9th chapter of the Dis- courses. Another hint regarding the plan of I is provided by the quota- tions from Dante and his guide Virgil. Each poet is quoted twice in I; first they are quoted in widely separated chapters,Dante in I II and Virgil in I 2I; the second quotations occur in two subsequent chapters which immediately precede I 55:Dante is quoted in I 53 and Virgil in I 54; the sections within which these quo- a6t-i5o9n) ealo ccith(I f-m,In-al,yand the same theme.Furthermore, we men- tion here the expression "everyone knows,"which first occurs densely in I 56 and whose occurrence in other passages-I 2I,23,24,29- helps us 》3I3《 to discern the meaning of the con- texts in question.Finally,considering the special significance which the number I3 has in Machiavelli's work, we are not ashamed to note that the I3th and the 26th chapter are un- questionably centers of sections;we assume therefore tentatively that I 39 and I 52 are centers of sections. But,to repeat,the decision regarding assumptions suggested by hints,de- pends in the last resort on the con- sideration of the subject matter alone. On the basis of such consideration, wI:Ie)oi enodf thctietstieis mtt pieonft antiquity):II;2)the polity:I 2-8; 3)founders:I 9-I0;4)religion:I II-15;six further sections dealing al- ternately with founders and religion (I 16-18,I9-24,25-27,28-32,33-45, 46-59);II)earliest youth:I 6o.The division indicated at the beginning of I 9(founders,religion,militia)will then refer to the subject matter of 51 chapters of I(founders and religion) and to that of II(militia).Cf. pages 43 454Ib vteh.e beginning in question ends with the I5th chapter,in II it ends with the roth chapter at the latest. Cf. the explicit remark about Machiavelli's plan in I 9 beginning, with the equivalent in II 6 beginning. The status of the Livy references in I I-Io is underlined by the unusual, though not unique,frequency of ref- erences to authors other than Livy in that group of chapters. 26.The number of Latin quotations from Livy in I is 17;in II it is 2I;and in III it is 31.The number of chap- ters containing Latin quotations from Livy in I is 9;the number of such 20. In the first 39 chapters of I, there are only 3 chapters which contain Latin Livy quotations;i.e.on the average one chapter in every group of I3 chapters contains a Latin Livy quotation;in the rest of I(40-6o) there occur I3 Latin Livy quotations. 》3I4《 27.Thus he indicates that II 7-IO belong to a different section than II I-5,and that new sections begin with II II,I9,23,with or before 28,and with 33.The only parallel to this procedure in I is the sequence of Livy references in I 15 and 16. 28.II I,4,II,16,I9,and 31. 29.II 17 beginning,3I beginning and end.The purport of the expres- sion as used in II 3I beginning has been explained on pages 96-97 above. 30.Cf.the density of this expres- sion in II 2I(292)with the only other case of this kind,viz.I 56;also II I2(261). 一There are no explicit references to Dante in the Second Book which consists of 33 chapters. 3I.At the beginning of I 8,and nowhere else in the book,Machiavelli uses the expression"not alien to the matter.”“Matter”occurs in no chap- ter more frequently than three times. The term occurs three times in II 8,I 58,and in I I7(the density of “matter”in I 17 is underlined by the fact that in I 18“matter”is used once and is twice replaced by"sub- ject.”)The density of the term “mat- ter”in the Prince occurs in chs.I9- 20. 32.Cf.I 28 end,29 beginning and 42 beginning. 33.I r end and g beginning,II pr. end. 34.II 2(238).The expression "un- armed heaven"reminds one of"the unarmed prophet”alluded to in Prince ch.6.In Discourses II 18,when dis- cussing “the sins of Italian princes”(a subject connected with "the un- armed prophet”Savonarola),Machia- velli calls these princes"unarmed." Cf.also the reference to“unarmed” modern peoples and to"the unarmed heart"as distinguished from "the well armed heart”in I 30.At the end of I 15,Machiavelli refers back to I 38 where he had called the Florentines between "the true way"as shown by"our religion”and"the true way NOTES of making a republic great":II 2 (237)and I9(286).II 15,where Machiavelli makes a distinction be- tween a certain“matter”and a cer- tain historical event,is devoted, ac- cording to its heading,to"weak states." NOTES passions);8)II 33 (the Ciminian For- est). The provisional headings given to these sections will be replaced by the final formulations as soon as the necessary preparations have been completed.At present we merely add these three remarks.The first ten chapters of I deal with"the causes”of modernity while osten- sibly dealing only with the Roman procedures in regard to aggrandize- ment and warfare;cf.the references o,an“aees”idneiy heoafdin“u ” h,8e, beginning of I 9.The key to the plan of II is II 19-22,just as the key to the plan of I was I I9-24;for the understanding of II I9-22 one has to contrast the discussion of the German cities in I I9 with the parallel in I 55,and one has to consider the paral- lels between II 2I and I 56.The last section of II corresponds to the last section of I as is indicated by the fact that they are the only sections of the Discourses which consist of one chapter only;the purport of these sections is revealed,to the extent to which it is revealed,by the last sec- tion of III;the correspondence of the end of II and the end of I is indicated by the following features: the second person plural of the personal pro- noun occurs in the Discourses only in I 58(22I) and in II 30(317), apart from the Ep.Ded. ;Machiavelli speaks of“ occult virtue” in the Discourses only in I 58(2I9)and in II 32(323); cf. also the reference to ciascuno dì in I 59 beginning,II 3I beginning,and III 49 beginning (cf.I 49 end),as well as the use of the expression "not foreign to (my)purpose”in I 58 end and in II 3I end. 37. Discourses III begins like I with a series of explicitly connected chap- ters,the meaning of which in Machi- avelli's own plan is clear,at least as regards the first 8 chapters of III(cf. the density of"in the next chapter" occurring at the ends of chapters in II 3-I0 with the only other case of 》3I5《 this kind,i.e.with I 2-8);hence the Livy references occurring in this group of chapters do not follow the Livian order;see especially the fla- grant disregard of the Livian order in the announcement of the first subject of the Third Book in III I end.(In the other series of connected chapters in III—I9-23-the Livian order is like- wise disregarded.) II resembles I also by containing a large group of chapters in which Machiavelli's plan is obscure and at the same time the Livian order is strictly adhered to as far as the Livy references are con- cerned:III 25-44 leads us in a straight way from Livy III to Livy X.Fur- thermore,Machiavelli uses the se- quence of his Livy references for indicating his own plan as little in III as he did in I.On the other hand,III contains proportionately the same number of Livy quotations in Latin and of chapters containing Livy quo- tations in Latin as does II.(But III contains a proportionately smaller number of chapters containing Livy references than does II:out of the 49 chapters of III,26 contain Livy ref- ere3n8c.sc.ording to the suggestions of the chapter headings,approximate- ly the same number of chapters in III 12-49 are devoted to domestic af- fairs as to foreign affairs.As for the alternation mentioned,cf.e.g.III 42 (foreign),43(domestic),44(am- biguous),45(foreign),46-47(domes- tic),48(foreign),49(domestic).Cf. III II where the relation of the one senate to the many tribunes is used as an exact parallel to the relation between one state and a hostile al- liaeI. r end,II pr.end,III r end. The reference to III 16 in II 20(a certain subject will be discussed"in its place in this part")suggests that II and III form a single"part"; it still leaves it open whether"this part"is the last part;the reference also under- lines the particularly close connection 》316《 between II and III. 40.III 3,2I,22,23,25 and 49.Al- together 8 names of individual human beings are mentioned in chapter head- ings of the Discourses,the names of 7 Romans and of the most famous enemy of the Romans who was known to the Romans while they were still incorrupted.Consider also the use of expressions referring to human individuals like uno capitano, uno cittadino,uno e non molti,uno (i.e.someone)in chapter headings of I,(,)I,I h,I, 1a8b,n,,3 f, such ex- pressions from headings in II and their great rarity in I(48,50,52,54). (For an obvious reason I disregard the use of uno principe in chapter headings.) 41.Discourses I 37;Livy II 44.5 and 54.2-10.Cf.Di scourse s I 52(204) about the difference between“public deliberations”of a populist intention and"secret"actions of an anti-demo- cratic character as well as I 59 about Themistocles'private and dishonest counsel and its repudiation by the honest Aristides and by the Athenian people. 42.Cf.the reference to Romulus in IIr(328)with that to Rome's "first legislator"in IIr(23I).Cf.also the reference to Timoleon in II 5 with its only parallels in I Io and I 17,and also the kinship of the argument of II I with that of I 37 ff.Both I 8 and I 8 are devoted to Manlius Capitolinus(cf.the reference in both chapters to the Padri; that expression also occurs in III 5 and I 49;it is meant to remind us of a certain kin- ship between the aristocracy of pagan Rome and the hierarchy of Christian Rome). 43.Cf.I r end and I5 end. 44.A founder captain in the full sense of the term is a man or a god who,after having founded a society and after having died,still protects it and therefore in a sense rules it; an example is Romulus (cf. Livy II NOTES I7.6 and I 16.3-8). 45. Cf. the usage in I 58-59.Cf. the reference to Nicias in III 16 with the only other reference to him,which occurs in I 53 · 46.The parallel in Boccaccio's con- text is the contrast between Lamber- tuccio and Leonetto in the 66th story of the Decameron. 47. Some of the lessons stated in the last section (III 35-49)had been stated in earlier parts of the book with suf- ficient clarity,and all the lessons stated there together with their Livian pegs could easily have been distrib- uted among various earlier sections. The only link between the chapters of the section might seem to be the Livian order.Closer inspection shows that even there Machiavelli impresses his form on the Livian matter.After having indicated the theme in III 35, he turns to the"French"who com- bine courage and cowardice in an astonishing way(36)or who lost a war because they were disturbed by “something of little importance”(37); he returns to the “French”in 43 ff. The intervening chapters deal with "feigned battles" as distinguished from a"true fight”(38),with“an image of war”as distinguished from war itself(39)and with "fraud" (40-42);i.e.they deal with various kinds of useful untruth as distin- guished from the truth: II 39,the I32d chapter of the Discourses, is the only chapter of either book which speaks with considerable emphasis of "knowledge"and of"science."The remaining seven chapters deal with two related subjects:the“F rench” who now reveal themselves as people “of little faith”(43)o r as people who are equally capable of being fright- ened and not being frightened by the Pope (44) or as people who are erroneously afraid(48)on the one hand,and“Fabius,”prudence incar- nate,on the other(45-47 and 49). The French represent Machiavelli's unreliable allies. "Fabius" however NOTES "judged the slow attack to be more useful and reserved his impetus for the end"”and“moved by love of his fatherland”expressed his feelings not by speech but by"silence and in many other ways.” 48.As regards the connection be- tween the end of I and the end of II,see note 36 above.The connection between the last section of II and that of III is indicated by the fact that the last reference to Livy in II and the last reference to Livy in III guide us towards immediately neighboring passages in Livy(II 33 toward Livy IX 35-36,and III 46 toward Livy IX 33-43)L.ivy IX 36.14 and 36.I-6.Cf. note 47 above.As for the relation between the different Fabii, cf.Dis- courses III 46. 5o.It is because of the phenomena of servility and of obliqueness that the histories of the Roman emperors have to be“well considered”:I IO (123). 51.Machiavelli mentions principali- ties in the heading of I 10;in the heading of the preceding chapters only republics had been mentioned. This step too serves to prepare the introduction of the first Livy quota- tion in Latin:Machiavelli's use of Livy is misunderstood if republics or republicanism are taken to be the sole or even the chief theme of the Dis- courses.In I I2 he refers to“ the Christian republic.”He thus indi- cates that "republic" does not neces- sarily mean a kind of merely political society. To the extent to which he is critical of “the Christian republic,” he is not necessarily committed to the ancient Roman republic:he praises certain Muslim principalities as highly as the ancient Roman republic(II pr.).The issue posed for him by"the Christian republic"transcends the is- sue posed for him by the alternative of purely political republics and pure- ly political principalities(consider the first sentence of the Prince). 》3 17《 52.The restoration of something which has been disestablished for a long time is no less revolutionary or shocking than the introduction of something wholly new;cf.Discourses I 9(II9,I20-I2I),37,III 8(362). 53.I I(126); Prince ch.6.Cf. Marsilius of Padua,Defensor Pacis, I,cap.5.sect.I0.-II.Discourses I II-I5 is the only section in which the headings of all chapters contain prop- er names. 54.Livy V 22.5. 55.Discourses I II-I2.Cf.the re- mark in I II that“Ly curgus,Solon and many others”had recourse to God in order to give authority to their laws,with the reference to “Moses,Lycurgus,Solon and other founders"in I 9.Observe the man- ner in which Machiavelli,as it were, trains his reader in thinking as a pagan:"the gods who predicted thee thy future good or thy future evil .. .”(I I2). 56. He also mentions Jupiter,J uno and Apollo once in that section.The monotheistic expression occurs,as one would expect,in the first chapter of the section,while the polytheistic expressions occur in the following chapters. 57.I I2(129-I30)and 13(133). 58.II3(cf.Livy III I7.I-8)and 54.Machiavelli also changes the name of P.Valerius(the consul)into P. Ruberius;one is tempted to trans- form the latter name into Italian. While I II and 12 contain both an- cient and modern examples,I I3 and 14 contain only ancient examples: one of the ancient examples in each of these chapters serves as a substi- tute for the modern example which is required by the drift of the argu- me5t.Discourses I 14;Livy X 40,V 15.I and I 34.9(cf.Cicero, De divi- natione I 3).According to Discourses I II beginning,not Numa,the found- er of the Roman religion,but the senate which elected Numa as Romu- 》318《 lus'successor was inspired by heaven. 6o. Florentine Histories I 9.Cf. Livy IX 46.6-7,a passage which im- mediately precedes the passage on which the end of the Discours es is based. 61.I 19.When re-telling the story of Roman arms and Samnite reli- gion in I I5,Machiavelli does not make any changes except that in sum- marizing the speech of the consul he changes the order of"gods,citizens, enemies”(Livy X 39.17)in such a way as to bring "gods"into the cen- ter,and in enumerating the former allies of the Samnites he changes the order of“Tuscans,Umbrians,French” (Livy X 3I.I3)in such a way as to bring the French into the center. As for the subject"the French" see noe2. 4f.aogvh.e treatment accorded to the tyrant Nabis in I 4o with the only earlier reference to him(I 1o). None of the six quotations from Livy in I 40 is completely literal.E.g, the first quotation begins in Livy (III 35.6)with profecto,for which Machiavelli substitutes credebant en- im.As regards Appius Claudius as lawgiver,cf.Livy II 56.9,58.2 and 34.6- 7. 63.Cf.page 49 and note 5I above. For the pre-history of this view,cf. Alfarabius, Compendium Legum Pla- tonis ,IV and V(edited and trans- lated by F.Gabrieli,pp.I7 and 21): tyrannide ... opus esse ut legis di elt raocoheimlli ss.es,as he emphasizes,only one Roman example; he uses thereafter two Florentine ex- amples and then,although the previ- ous examples are said to suffice,one ancient Tuscan example;in I 8,the chapter on calumnies,he uses one Roman example and,as he empha- sizes,only one Florentine example out of many;in that chapter he refers more clearly to"the histories of Flor- ence”than to Livy,to whom he re- fers only by speaking of “this text.” NOTES "We”in the sense of“we Floren- tines"occurs for the first time in the Discourses in I 8. 65.I 7,III 30(4Io);letter to [Ric- ciardo Bechi],March 8,I497. 66.I 7-8.Note the reference to- ward the end of the 7th chapter to the present name of Lombardy:in important respects only the names have changed since antiquity (cf. Florentine Histories I 5);for the men who are born in a country preserve through all times more or less the same nature(Discourses III 43;cf. II 4 toward the end).Note also the fact that the first quotations from Livy in Latin occur within the con- text of a Tuscan story (I 12). Cf. page 93 above.In the Livian story about ancient Tuscany to which Ma- chiavelli explicitly refers in I 7,Livy speaks of the violation of the wife of the Tuscan Arruns by another Tuscan(Livy V 33.3)whereas Ma- chiavelli speaks of the violation of the sister of Arruns.Was Machia- velli's Arruns married,or did he live in celibacy,or did he live in incest with his sister like the modern Tus- can Baglioni who is described as a cowardly enemy of a Pope twenty chapters later?At any rate,Arruns called in the French against his fa- therland in order to revenge himself, just as the Popes called in the French against the Lombards and other Ital- ian powers(cf. Florentine I 7a.d22n)d g. 68.I I7,20,25-26(cf.III 30(409);cf.I 22 and 24 for further criticism of Rome under the kings. As for the praise of Rome in I 28, cf.pages 36-37 above. 69.From this one may understand why Machiavelli's use of Livian pass- ages as pegs in,say,the second half of the First Book does not lead be- yond Livy VII. 70.I 3I(Livy V 8)and 32. 7I. I 34(cf.I 33);observe in I 34 (17I-172)the four-fold reference to NOTES (dictatorship or)"a similar mode (authority )”: dictatorship is not in- dispensable.Machiavelli draws our attention to the question concerning the maximum time for which the dic- tator was appointed but does not answer it;he speaks of“a definite time”or “a short time”or "the proper time."Could he have wished to in- dicate that the temporal limitation of emergency powers is unwise since the length of emergencies cannot be foreseen?At any rate,as is shown by the examples of Sparta and of Venice,one does not run any danger in giving authority to men"for a long time”if one provides for guar- dians in the Spartan or Venetian manner (I 34-35).Note also the ref- erence in I 34 end to a Roman alter- native to dictatorship.Cf. Spinoza, Trttus 3; iIticus6,c( 9.I)OA.s regards Machiavelli's suppressing a part of Livy's account of the misdeeds which the Roman nobility committed in connectio n with the agrarian law, see pages I03-104 above ;cf. also page 377a3b .m this we understand why in I 39 the modern example precedes the ancient example. 74.II 13(265),III I(327-328,33I) and I 2(97).Cf.the deviations from the Roman model in the Art of War,II(484-485),III(512, 535) and VI(57I), and the remarks on ancient and modern examples ibid. III(523 and 530)and VII(6o6). 75. I 40(184-185);cf. I 44 begin- ning.Machiavelli replaces “many er- rors committed by the senate and the plebs” (I 4o near the beginning) by"the error of the Roman people" (end of the chapter),while using "people”and “plebs"synonymously in the chapter;cf.the allusion to the power of the senate under both dic- tatorship and decemvirate in I 35 (I7)I.Liv4y9(1I9I)a.7,35.7,IbVegin. n7g.. 77. The central example is that of 》3 19《 Saguntum.Saguntum was allied to Rome and was ruined because it ad- hered to Rome.Machiavelli does not speak of the conduct of the Roman towards the Saguntines;to say the least,that conduct does not prove that the Romans were faithful allies (cf.Livy XXI 16.2 and 19.9-II,also XXXI 7). 78.Cf.page 96 above. 79.Cf.note I9 above. 8o.II I beginning,2(beginning and 238-240).To see the progress of the argument,compare II 2 with the indictment,not of the Roman repub- lic,but of Caesar,the destroyer of the Roman republic in I Io. 8r. Cf. I 55 (212). 82.II 14,I9 end,20; Prince chs. I2( 39) and 13(43-44).Cf. pages 96- 97 above. 83.II 20-2I,25.Livy says that the Romans sent prefects to Capua while Machiavelli speaks of a praetor;a few lines later on,Machiavelli speaks of a prefect sent by Rome to An- tium whereas Livy speaks of patrons (Livy IX 20.5 and 10);cf.III I2 (371).Machiavelli's silence about the patrons through whom the Romans ruled their subjects is reinforced by the fact that the explicit Latin Livy quotation which follows that silence in II 2r is not quite literal.In I II, he says of Numa Pompilius that he desired to rule the Romans by"the arts of peace”and therefore turned to religion;cf.I I2(I30).Cf.pages 4243I,I99-I08; I 1081-I9( 8)ab“vuet.hor- ity” is mentioned also in the headings of I 34,44,54 and III 30.Cf.page 4I above. 85.Cf.ch.2,note 4o and ch.3,note 69 above.Discourses I 2(97),II (I26),53(207);Prince,ch.6(I9). Compare the remark about l'avara natura de’prelati e religiosi in Opere I 68o with the allusion to the avarice of the ancient Roman nobility in Dis- cos I t7e· spirit of his boundless 》320《 praise of the Roman consuls in Dis- courses I 20, Machiavelli suppresses the fact that the imprudent com- mander was a consul but he points out that the situation was saved by the prudence of a tribune.Cf.the unnecessary reference to the consuls in the third example in which no ex- plicit mention of Roman imprudence occurs. 87.Livy II 45-46. 88.Livy IV 28.4.Cf. pages 52-53 above. 89.Machiavelli sometimes says "he who will read the history,"i.e.who will read it after having been tutored by Machiavelli;see I I beginning (cf.I pr.[9o]),23(152),II13(264), 18(283),20(290),III 3(333),46 towards the end.He conveys the same thought by saying e.g."he who reads the Bible judiciously,will see”;cf. III 30(409)with I 28 beginning.The references to"the text"or“this text” or"the text of Livy,"especially if they are not preceded by quotations from Livy,indicates the necessity of reading the whole context in Livy; there occur,if I am not mistaken,18 references to"the text,""this text," or“the text of Livy”in the Dis- couss C.f. III 6(351). 9r.II 29.The other chapter,the heading of which consists of a Livian statement almost literally translated, is I 57;it follows immediately a chapter which is of utmost impor- tance for what one may call Machia- velli's theology.(The heading of III 36,which reproduces a Livian sen- tence,differs fundamentally and char- acteristically from that sentence be- cause it begins with the non-Livian words“The causes why”). 92.Cf.e.g .Discourses I 7 and 28. 93.Livy IV 23.I-3. 94. I 16 near the beginning;cf. the juxtaposition of "histories"and “memories of ancient things”in I 10(I22);as regards the relation of "histories”and“memories,"cf.also NOTES I 4(242)and 5 ( 247). 95.See the distinction between "the histories”and what“every one who lives at present knows”in I 29(16o). Consider Machiavelli's use of the ex- pression “everybody knows”which points precisely to the fact that only "the fresh examples"are truly known; cf.I 2I(149), 23(I 52)-cf. 24 (I54)一 56,II I2(261),2I(292),III 6(355) and 43(436).Cf.also the distinction between what is read and what is seen in III 42(435); cf. I 58(217- 218).Cf. Art of War II(4 8o). 96.I 8(I17),40 (186),54,III 26; cf.I 52 beginning and II 38 begin- ning.In his summary,called by him "this text,"of the Livian story of the Decemvirate,Machiavelli says-I 40 (184)—deviating from Livy(III 33.7) that Appius Claudius had taken on “a new nature”;when referring to this remark in I 41,he says that Ap- pius Claudius had “changed nature, as I say above”(the emphasis is not in the original).Cf.the reference in the Ep.Ded.to Machiavelli's nar- ratives in the Discourses as distin- guished from his discourses in that bo. I 29(161), 40(186);cf.Livy III 44-48.Machiavelli justifies his treatment of the Virginia incident by what he says of the rape of Lu- cretia in III 5. 98.I 29(159);the reference to Tacitus contrasts with I 28 begin- ning,where Machiavelli gathers a certain conclusion from what "he has read of the things done by re- publics”and then“seeks the cause” of the phenomenon in question.Cf. note gr above on the heading of III 36. 99.I 37(175)and 39 beginning. Cf.note 85 above. 1o0.I 46.Cf.the reference toward the end of the chapter to"the rea- sons which I stated above,"i.e.the reasons not stated by Livy.In this chapter,which opens the section on the plebs or the multitude,Machia- NOTES velli refers twice to what he had said earlier;he thus refers to I 33, the chapter which opens the section on the ruling class or"the princes." Ior.I 47. Livy XXIII 2.I-2,4. 102.I 57.Cf.note gr above. I03.I 4(I05), 33 (169)and 52 (205). I04.Prince, chs.6(18)and I(36). Cf. Discourses I 18 end("of which we reason in this chapter"). Io5.No chapter other than Dis- courses I 17 begins with"“I judge," whereas there are two chapters be- 26). Cf. the“ one ought to believe” in the heading of II 48(see page 36 above). The central scene of La Mandragola opens with“I be- lieve that you believe,"the second scene with“I believe”(Nicia)and the third scene with“I do not be- lieve”(Ligurio ). Two Books of the Art of War (II and VI)open with “I believe.”Cf.Montesquieu,Con- sidérations sur les causes de la gran- deur des Romains et de leur déca- dence, ch. I 0. 1o6.I 58 beginning.Cf.I 1o(I24) and Art of War IV(550).Cf.pages 41,107 and I5-116 as well as ch. 2, note 20 above. 107.I 6o and II pr.(230); Prince ch. 25 end; Art of War I(454,473) and III(5I2). 108.I 2(100-102),5-6,16(139), 37(178), 44; Prince chs. 9(32)and 8.Note that the Discourses end with the praise of an anti-democratic measure. 1o9. Prince ch. 9;Discourses I 40 (183,186-187),52 end.Observe the contrast in terminology between I Io and I 16,and the remark about terminology in I 25 end;in II 9 be- ginning,Machiavelli calls the Roman republic a principality,and in II 12 (263)he calls the Roman republic and the Swiss confederacy kingdoms. 7lo5r-nnpeagisri ,dIIInot1e3. IivboeI I1o.See pages II2-II3 and I24-I26 》32I《 above. Cf . Florentine Histories II 34(104),36(109),37(II2),4r end, III 17 end,18 beginning,20(157), VI 24(306).Cf. Discourses I 28-29 with Opere II(704-707). III.Consider the meaning of "uni- versal opinion”in II 17 beginning. II2. Prince ch.18 end; Discourses I 4(105),I(I26),25 beginning, 47-48,50(202),5I beginning,53,II 22 beginning,III I4,34;letter to Guicciardini of March I5,I525. I3.See the end of I 58 and the heading of I 59;cf.also I 29 to which Machiavelli refers in I 58. II4.I 58(220);cf.I 9(120). II5.I 25,32 heading and beginning, 45 end,47(cf.the heading and the beginning with the end of the chap- ter),II 22 heading and beginning. I16.Voltaire,D ictionnaire Philoso- phique,ed.by Julien Benda,I 165 and 18o:"Les empereurs(romains), il est vrai,les grands et les philosophes, n'avaient nulle foi à ces mystères; mais le peuple,qui en fait de religion donne la loi aux grands,leur imposait la nécessité de se conformer en ap- parence à son culte.Il faut,pour Ienchainer,paraitre porter les memes chaines que lui.”“...le petit peuple, toujours fanatique et toujours bar- bare."Cf.Di scourses I I towards the end. 117. Prince, Ep.Ded.and ch.6 (19);Discourses I II(I26),53(207), I 13; Florentine Histories III I3.Cf. note 49 above. I18.Consider the relation between the analysis of religion in I II-I5 and the condemnation of tyranny in I 9-10,and the relation between the criticism of Christianity in II 2 and the praise of(democratic)republics which surrounds that criticism. II9.Cf.pages 28-29 above. I20.Livy I 7,Io and 12; Discourses I I(126)and 2(98-10o).—Compare Aristotle's account of the"natural” genesis and character of the city with what Fustel de Coulanges re- ports in La Cité Antique regarding 》322《 the"sacred"city. I21.Livy III 6.5;Discourses I 38 (179,I8I). I22.Livy III 56.7;Discourses I 4I and 45 beginning. I23.Livy V 23.8 and 25.7;Dis- courses I 55 beginning. I24.Livy I 26.I2;Discourses I 22. I25.Livy V 39.9-I2,40.3-4 and 40.7-10;Di scourses IⅡ 29(315). I26.Livy V 49.I(cf.X 16.6);Dis- courses II 30 beginning. I27.Livy VIII 9.I0,I3 and 10.7; Discourses II 16(270). I28. Livy VIII I3.I4; Discourses I 23(296)and II r beginning. I29.Cf .Discourses I 1o beginning and end,II 2(337)and II 18; Prince ch.I3(43). I30.III 30(4ro). I3I.Cf.page I22 above. 132.I 46.The only other example of this kind occurs in II I3 where Xenophon is said to have “made” Cyrus do certain things.In the first two quotations from Dante and Vir- gil(I II and 2r),Machiavelli ascribes to Dante what is said to Dante by Sordello and he ascribes to Virgil what is said to Virgil by Anchises. 133.Cf.E sortazione alla penitenza (Opere II 8or-804). I34.In the First Book,expressions of this kind occur 6 times,in the Second Book 7 times,and in the Third Book 5 times;they all apply to Livian“texts.” 135.There occur 7 such cases.Cf. also II 2(239):“Titus Livius con- fesses it.” 136.III 3r beginning;cf.III 12 toward the end. 137.Cf.D iscourses I 1o(I22-I23) and 18 end; Prince chs.6 and 26 (82);see page 42 above. 138.Livy IX4 and 8-Ir.The Livian story is a commentary on the end of Discourses II 13.Cf. Discourses I 15 and III I2(372-373).See page II7 above. 139.III 12.The expression of Mes- sius-Livy which Machiavelli quotes NOTES is"necessity is the last and greatest weapon.”- Cf. page I20 above. I40.This is not to deny that the problem of the relation of Christian- ity to Judaism is somehow present in the chapter under discussion. When referring there to the"new law” of Christianity, Machiavelli makes us think of “the old law.” Besides,Machiavelli could not help being aware of the fact that the Ro- man Church persecuted Judaism as well as paganism and that it pre- served the Latin version of the Old Testament as much as it preserved parts of the pagan Latin literature. I4I.II 2(235),4(242,246),5; cf.I pr.(9o),Io(I22),I2(I29), III 14 end and 39.See notes 9 and 59 above. I42.Cf.page I4I above with,e.g, Psalm I4. I. 143.In Prince ch.26,he calls cer- tain contemporary events which re- mind us of Biblical miracles,"extraor- dinary events without example.” 144.II 2(239,240),4(245),5,I9 (285),III 6(35I-352),39(43I),43 (436)and 48(cf.heading and body). Cf.pages 4o and 73-74 as well as notes 95-96 above. I45.Livy VIII II4 (Milionium dixisse ferunt ). 146.In Discourses I 18,Machia- velli says that a certain Roman mas- ter of the horse fell in the battle of Sora,which was a Roman victory; according to Livy,he fell in the bat- tle of Saticula,which was a Roman victory;but,as Livy mentions imme- diately afterward,he found in some sources that he fell in the battle of Sora and that that battle was a Ro- man defeat(IX 22 and 23.5).Machia- velli prefers,just as Livy,the version more favorable to the Romans,but, differing from Livy,he is silent about the other version;yet he alludes to that other version by replacing one battle by another;he thus shows how easily undesirable traditions can be suppressed and how this suppression NOTES can safely be counteracted .See es- pecially Livy IX 22.9-IO. 147.I 3 beginning,II I3(264),18 (28I,283 ), III 20(389), 22 (394) and 30(4Io).For the sequel consider I 142.(T3)。last word of the chapter is“celebrated”;Machiavelli,in the last sentence,speaks of the fact that poverty has brought honor not only to cities and countries but to reli- gions as well and that"this matter has been celebrated many times by other men.” 149.Livy II 12.8,I3.I0(B.O. Foster's translation),I9.2 and 29.r.Cf. Discourse s I 20 and Prince ch. I5.一 In Discourses III 25 Machiavelli cites Livy's“golden words"in praise of poverty; in III 6(338)he quotes a “golden sentence”of Tacitus which enjoins obedience to princes;III 26 is the only chapter in which Machia- velli speaks of both Lucretia and Vir- ginia(the great examples of chastity). There occur no other references to golden words or sentences in the DiuCrsa.ges 127-I30 above. I5I.Cf. Discourses III 33 with I 14 and III 32 with I 15;cf.I 12(I28). See also I 47(197)and III 14; Livy VI 29.I-2.-After having given the two Livy quotations referred to in the text,Machiavelli gives still an- other Livy quotation;but this time he quotes Livy speaking in his own name; the third quotation has no bearing on"little things."That quo- tation occurs as a part of a sum- mary of a Livian story(VI 30)in which Machiavelli replaces Livy's “military tribunes with consular pow- er "by“c onsuls” ;a s a consequence we here get another Machiavellian example of the early Romans'poor choice of consuls(cf.page I49 above). 152.Livy VIII 30.I-2,3I.I-2 and 8, 32.4-5, 7,I7,33·3, II,I3. -Cf. pages I06-107 above. I53. By omitting Livy's inquit (VII 32.I2) Machiavelli slightly blurs the 》323《 change from indirect to direct speech, and thus weakens the emphasis on the sentence quoted in the text. 154.III 38.The subject of this chapter as indicated at the end of III 37 is "how the make of a captain ought to be,"just as III 36 dealt with “how the make of a good militia ought to be.”It appears from the quotations on which the arguments of II 38 and 36 are based,that the good militia must have reverence for the gods,whereas no such demand is made on captains(cf.page 73 above). Both quotations are taken from public speeches.-The descrip- tion of the subject of II 38 which is given in the heading as well as in the body of that chapter("how the make of a captain in whom his army can have confidence ought to be”) brings out the connection of that chapter with III 33,i.e.the last pre- ceding chapter that was concerned with the difference between Livy and his characters.The description of the subject of III 38 which is given at the end of III 37,conceals that con- nection.In accordance with this,the words of which Machiavelli says in III 38 that Livy“makes”his char- acter“say”them,are called words of that character at the end of III to draw our attention to the connec- tion between two chapters dealing with the difference between Livy and his characters and therewith to that difference itself (cf.the end of the present paragraph of the text on III 39).For the reason stated in the preceding paragraph of the text, he thus also draws our attention to the plan of the Discourses. 155.III 37 toward the end and 33 end.Cf.pages I43-144 above. 156.Cf.note 47 above. 157.As appears also from I 23,the captain must be a knower of sites especially in the sense that he must know how to conduct himself in re- gard to various kinds of sites.For in- 》324《 stance,he must know that it is im- prudent"to hold difficult places"or to hold places which are narrow and in which only a few can stay and live.Such“malignancy of site”favors the attacker rather than the defender. In addition,the attacker will always find“an unknown road”which is not guarded by the defender.(This summary should suffice to dispose of Guicciardini's objections to the thesis of the chapter.)Machiavelli uses the second person singular in I 23 more frequently than in any other chapter of the First Book;he ad- dresses first the defender with the counsel to abandon places which are narrow and in which only a few can stay,and thereafter he addresses the attacker with a promise that he will surely find an unknown road. Since the example of the country to be defended or attacked is Italy,he gives his advice to both the defender and the would-be foreign conqueror of 1a.lCyf.pages I37-I38 above. I59.Livy XXXIX 25: populum Ro- manum,qui caritate magis quam metu adjungere sibi socios mallet. ... 16o.Cf. pages I03-104 above(on Discourses I 37). 16r.See page 140 above.In III 27, Machiavelli contrasts a harsh and effective measure of the Romans with an ineffective and soft or weak meas- ure of Florence which,being a mod- ern republic,is“a weak republic”; “the weakness of the men of the present time is caused by their weak education and little knowledge of things”;"certain modern opinions of theirs”which are“altogether remote from the truth,"“arise from the weak- ness of him who is lord.”III 27 deals with the same“text”as III 26,the chapter on women.According to Savonarola(P rediche sopra Ezechiele Ⅱ),the savi del mondo regard the biblical prophecies as cose da donne. Cf. also III r (330), and cf.the dis- cussion of the middle way in I 27 NOTES with I 26. 162.Gods are mentioned in the Second Book only in chapters r and 23;the first mention occurs in the summary of an argument from Plu- tarch;the last mention occurs in a quotation from Livy;in the Second Book Machiavelli himself does not even speak of gods.In every Book of the Discourses there occurs a single quotation from Livy in which gods are mentioned;see I I3,II 23 and III 36.-Note the density of “Pope” and“Church”in II 22,in a chapter in which no reference to Livy(or an63oItIh r3 wiehr)arisn.s unusually extensive quotations from Livy,is the only chapter in the series II 22-27 which contains references to Livy (for the meaning of “references to Livy,"see note 2r above).In II 23, Livy is presented as making Camillus speak of what the gods have done. This prepares the remark in III 3I according to which Livy makes Ca- millus do and say certain things in order to show what the make of an excellent man is.The Biblical equiva- lent of the remark in II 23 would be that God makes the Biblical writ- ers speak of what God has done or that the Biblical writers make God say as to what God has done.Con- sid1e4.IItI p.ears from Livy(VII 32.I3)t hat the soldiers wrongly ac- cused the commander of the same error of which Messius rightly ac- cused his soldiers (see pages I40- I4I above).-The quotation from Livy with which the chapter opens ap- pears,to begin with,as a remedy for an error which“all men”commit; the quotation speaks of a captain who lived long before Livy's time but Machiavelli speaks of him as though he were still living in Machiavelli's time(367;cf.note 44 above).The quotation speaks less of wha+ the captain did or said than of what he thought;that thought is,later in the NOTES chapter,ascribed to Livy;the al- leged thought of the captain is known only as Livy's thought. 165.II 18 and III 30.In the head- ing of III 30 Machiavelli speaks of what a citizen must do if he desires to perform any good deed in his re- public on his own authority;the central example given in the chapter is that of Moses who killed“innu- merable human beings"in order that his laws and his orders should pros- per; according to Machiavelli, Moses did these things on his own authority; according to the Bible it is not clear whether he did them on his own authority or by the authority of God (cf. Exodus 32.2I-26 with ib.27-28; cf. Numbers i6). Cf. also I 9(I20). 一 “Author ,”the grammatical root of “authority ,” occurs in the sense of "writer," I believe,only in I 25 and in I 58. 166. II 10,I7,22,III 27. 167.II 17(274-275): disputare, ri- spondendo dico,questo è una massima. 168. Cf. I 1o end;Prince ch.I2 (39);Art of War I(485) and IV (539 ). Cf. pages 4I, II9, I57 above. 169.When Machiavelli says in II 27 that he wishes to demonstrate a certain thesis by ancient and modern examples since it cannot be demon- strated with equal distinctness by means of reasons,he does not mean that he does not possess a rational proof of his thesis.He thus certainly draws our attention to his selection of examples.In the preceding chap- ter he did not use any modern ex- amples but did use an Asiatic example. In II 27 he twice discusses the same three examples;the center is occu- pied in the first discussion by an Asiatic example and in the second dis- cussion by a modern(Florentine)ex- ample.Modernity and Asia are“ex- changeable”since the characteristic difference between modernity and classical antiquity is due to the vic- tory of Asiatic thought over classical thought.(See pages 89-90 and notes 》325《 16 and 35 above.)The thesis to be proved concerns false hopes for vic- tory(see page 40 above.) I70.III I9.Tacitus is referred to four times in the Discourses:I 29 (cf. page I24 above),II 26(cf. page 50 above),III 6(cf.note 149 above) and I9.The three last references follow one another at intervals of I3 chapters. I7I.Machiavelli introduces the ci- tation with the Latin ait:he draws our attention to the fact that he can write Latin;he thus prepares us for his writing some Tacitean Latin.The wording of the citation reminds us of a statement of Tacitus which ex- presses the opposite opinion to the apocryphal statement that Machia- velli put into Tacitus'mouth.The genuine statement of Tacitus is im- mediately followed in his work(An- nals III 55)by a remark which ex- presses doubt of the moral superi- ority of the olden times to the present and which reminds one therefore of the argument of Discourses II pr.: Machiavelli's treatment of Tacitus as an authority is linked to a reminder of his own criticism of the root of theI7.eMlicfhiianvelui throerfiets. to a state- ment of his made at another time and adds the remark that that state- ment is true;the opinion expressed in that statement had been ascribed orig- inally to “the ancient writers”with the understanding that,being the opinion of the ancient writers,it is of course true;he indicates in the repe- tition that if he refers to authorities, he does not necessarily agree with what the authorities say,even if he does not voice any criticism of what they say ;cf.III 2I(390)with I 37 beginning.He notes that “all writers” admire the good order which pre- vailed in Hannibal's army and implies that those writers were completely ignorant of the cause of that order; cf.III 21 (391) and Prince ch.I7 (54).He quotes a prudent man who 》326《 said that in order to keep a republic by force,there must be a proportion between him who forces and that which is forced;the prudent man is likely to be Machiavelli himself;cf. III 22(393)and I 40(187). 173.Cf.pages 148-I49,notes I49 and 165 as well as ch.I,notes 48 and 68. I74. Livy VII 4.6-7,5.2,9 .8-I0.II. Exodus 4.I0;I Samuel I7.Cf.Ma- chiavelli's reference to the David- Goliath story in Prince ch.I3 · and to the Sun.”Machiavelli is si- lent about Camillus'desire to become equal to the highest god.Note that in the heading of III 23 Machiavelli speaks only of one cause of Camil- lus'exile whereas in the body of the chapter he speaks of three causes. Cf.also Discourses III 34 on Manlius Torquatus'concern with being talked about. I79.Livy V 23.I.Discourses I 4I, III 3r beginning and 46.“Humility” is mentioned in the headings of I 4I and II 14, and in no other head- ings;the interval between these two chapters is 33.Cf.page III above.As regards the connection between the Tacitean subsection and the subsec- tion devoted to the Decemvirate,cf. also the use of "partisans"in III 22 (395)and the reference there to I 43;see I 45 on Savonarola's “ambi- tious and partisan spirit”;“partisan- ship”is opposed to“lukewarmness” in Prince ch.6,in the part of the chapter dealing with armed and un- armed prophets;Savonarola's sermons abound with indictments of the luke- warm ones.Cf. Prince ch.20(67). 18o.Cf. pages I05 and I53-153 above.Livy VIII 30.I3 and 34.2. 181.Valerius is not,and is,Machia- velli's model(cf.III 37 and 38;see pages 154-155 above).This creates no difficulty;cf.Savonarola, Prediche NOTES sopra Ezechiele XXXVII: Pigliano adunque Nabuchodonosor per la per- sona di Cristo.-O frate,vo'tu com- parare la persona di Cristo a Nabucho- donosor,che fu uno scellerato? -N ota che questo nonè inconveniente,perchè nella Scrittura,molte volte, una per- sona cattiva significa una buona. 182.Cf.pages 44 and Io8 above. Cf.the reference to “every day” need for"new orders"at the end of I 49 with the reference to “every day” need for “new provisions”in the heading of III 49.Cf. also Florentine Historie s I 28. 183.III I(327-330),8(362),II (368);cf.I 18(I43).Cf.pages 90 and I56-157 above.The central ex- ample among the seven Roman ex- amples given in III r is that of the execution of Manlius Capitolinus. Consider the connection between I 26(the tacit New Testament quota- tion),II 26(the only tacit Tacitus quotation)and III 26(women as the causes of many ruins).Cf. notes r6 and 169 above.-Principio or principii are mentioned in the headings of I I,49,III I,28,and 36.In I 49,prin- cipio and principii occur seven times in the body of the chapter;in III r they occur ten times in the body of the184chIapter. 46(I94). Cf.Savonarola, Sermone fatto in San Marco a'di 15 Febbraio 1497/8:dice il nostro testo: cipio posse ad bonum finem usque perduci.Cioè:che le cose che han- no cattivo principio impossibile è che possino aver mai buon fine. 185. Prince chs.3(Io),6(I9),18 end ;Discourse s I pr.beginning,II (I26,I28),I2(I29),18(145),25, 58(217),II pr.(230),I3,III II to- wards the end and 30(409).Cf.pages 33,37 and 153-I54 above. 186.Machiavelli indicates the sub- jects of both the chapter on con- spiracies(III 6)and of II 32 by say- ing at the end of the preceding chap- ters that"it does not seem to(him) NOTES to be outside of his purpose”to dis- cuss“in the following chapter”the subject in question.As he makes clear by a remark near the beginning of III 6(332),II 32 too deals with a kind of conspiracy. The heading of II 32 draws our attention to the num- ber of modes in which the Romans seized fortified towns;the central mode proves to be"force mixed with fraud” or "furtive violence" or trat- tato or"conspiracy."When discuss- ing this central mode,Machiavelli praises Aratus of Sicyon who,prob- ably owing to “an occult virtue which was in him”was an unrivalled master in"fraudulent and nocturnal"enter- prises.We may say that whereas “the occult virtue”through which the people foresees its own good and evil-I 58(219)—operates in broad daylight so that everyone can judge of the value of that virtue,the“OC- cult virtue”of Aratus operated only in the occult.(Cf. Florentine His- tories I 3 and VIII 18).S ince"f ur- tive violence”or“conspiracy” is a form of faithlessness,we are not sur- prised to observe that Machiavelli introduces the subject of I 59 at the end of I 58 in the same manner in which he introduces the subjects of II 32 and III 6 at the ends of II 3I and III 5 respectively,for the subject of I 59 may be said to be the prob- lem of Roman faithfulness (see page II7 above).The references at the ends of I 58,II 3I and III 5 are the on l1y87oIes 2h5i,IIkinrd binegin- Ir,se3s4.2,344-346, 354, 355),8. Cf. Art of War VII(609).-Brutus,who simulated folly in order to liberate his fatherland was not a conspirator; hence Machiavelli is silent about his action in the chapter on conspiracies (III,6)as well as in the sketch of the subject matter of that chapter which he gives at the end of the pre- ceding chapter. As he explains in III 6(34 0), one cannot say of a man 》327《 who plans to kill or to depose a prince,that he is a conspirator;Brutus kept his plan secret from everyone and patiently waited for his oppor- tunity.At the end of II 5,Machia- velli mentions the arousing of hu- mors against princes as one of the subjects of III 6,while in the repe- tition at the beginning of II 6 he leaves that subject unmentioned; arousing of humors against a prince was precisely what Brutus did:he turned the desire for revenge upon Sextus Tarquinius,who had violated Lucretia,into desire for revenge upon Sextus'royal father and for the abo- lition of kingship altogether (Livy I 58.8-10 and 59.I-2).Brutus'long- range plan was the abolition of king- ship;the crime of Sextus Tarquinius merely gave him the opportunity. Similarly Machiavelli turns the"giv- en”dissatisfaction with“all prelates” (I 27)into revulsion against the whole traditional order and its ultimate ground.-The difference between con- spiratorial and“corrupting”writings is adumbrated by the story of Agis and Cleomenes as told in I g.Agis, who desired to restore the old Spar- tan order,was killed by the ephors as one who desired to become a ty- rant;through the writings which he left,he aroused the same noble desire in his successor Cleomenes who killed all ephors and thus succeeded in com- pletely restoring the old Spartan or- der. The action of Cleomenes is described in III 6(355)as a con- spiracy against the fatherland.This conspiracy was originated by writ- ings of Agis.Agis was not hurt by his writings and Cleomenes was great- ff bybeten. Ch.IeI tpe.rardof hoen spaorMsancihvelionisnpshite- self by the sole reference to Plato which occurs in either book—Dis- courses III 6( 351)一；two disciples of Plato conspired against two tyrants and killed one of them.He indicates 》328《 the same difference by referring in the same context to Pelopidas'con- spiracy against the Theban tyrants and by his other references to Pe- lopidas and his friend Epaminondas (see especially III 18 beginning and 38);the wealthy,married and spirited Pelopidas delighted in gymnastics and hunting whereas the poor,unmar- ried and gentle Epaminondas delighted in listening and in seeking of wisdom; Pelopidas had to flee from Thebes when the tyranny was set up,whereas Epaminondas could stay because he was despised as inactive on account of his concern with wisdom and as powerless on account of his poverty (se8lIutarch's Pelopr.i(d9ao),I.2(I29-130),I3 (133),17(141),I9(147),20,55(2II- 212),II 5, 8( 252,25 4), III I(327, 330)and 17 end.Cf. Florentine His- tories I 1.C.Alexandre quotes the following statement by George of Trebizond (Comparatio Platonis et Aristotelis )in his introduction to his edition of Gemistus Plethon's Tr aité des Lois (Paris 1858,p.xvi): Audivi ego ipsum [Plethonem]Florentiae, venit enim ad concilium cum Graecis, asserentem unam eandemque religio- nem uno animo,una mente,una praedicatione ,universum orbem pau- cis post annis suscepturum. Cumque rogassem,Christine an Mahumeti? Ne- utram,inquit,sed non a gentilitate differentem一. Percepi etiam a non- nullis Graecis qui ex Peloponneso huc profugerunt, palam dixisse ip- sum,anteaquam mortem obiiset iam fere triennio,non multis annis post mortem suam et Machumetum et Alfarabius, Compendium legum Pla- tonis, liber 3, beginning ;Roger Ba- con ,Moralis Philosophia (ed.Massa), 193,215 and 219;and Pico della Mi- randola ,Disputationes adversus astro- logiam divinatricem II 5. 18g.Cf.Machiavelli's summary of a sermon of Savonarola in his letter to [Ricciardo Bechi]of March 8th, NOTES 1497.Cf.Savonarola's Prediche sopra l'Esodo XIII on the difference as well as the similarity between "the war of Christ”and“the temporal wars of the world.”Machiavelli would have agreed with Savonarola's remark (Prediche sopra Ezechiele XXXVI): lo ti dico che gli è un piacere a far guerra. I9o.Cf.Discourses III I and 12. Cf. pages II9-120 above. I91.Savonarola Prediche sopra Eze- chiele XXXIII: la Chiesa ha el corpo misto di buoni e di cattivi. well as Livy V 46.3. (See Florentine Histories III 7 and V 34.)The dual meaning of“French”corresponds to the dual meaning of “Egyptians,” "Midian,""Jebusites,"etc .in the theo- logical tradition.(Cf .Machiavelli's summary of a sermon of Savonarola in his letter to [Ricciardo Bechi]of March 8,I497).In order to grasp the moral or mystical meaning of “Samnites,”the third major subject of Discourses III 35-49,one must start from the fact that the Samnites were particularly obstinate enemies of the Romans and resembled the Swiss in 3o atnhdanIXo.7;rcefspte(sLi0 nI 154 above). The “blind Samnites”are simply Machiavelli's enemies.At the command of their captain Pontius, Samnite soldiers appear“in the guise of shepherds”and“agree all”on the same lie which deceives the Roman consuls and thus brings about a Ro- man disaster.But Pontius,disobeying “the counsels of the father”or of "that old one," chooses “a middle way,"and thus is ruined (III 40 and II 23 end.Machiavelli does not men- tion the name of the father and changes the name of the son which was Gaius into Claudius; see III 12). The nameless Samnite father reminds one of the“old and prudent citizen” Hanno who did not share Hannibal's extravagant hopes(II 27).While two Roman consuls were deceived by a NOTES Samnite,a Roman legate uncovered a similar deception attempted by the Tuscans,at one time allies of the Samnites:the Tuscans sent out some soldiers “in the guise of shepherds” but the legate found out that the speech and the complexion of the alleged shepherds was too refined for 》329《 shepherds or simple rustics;he dis- covered the manifest blunder of Rome's enemies which consisted in claiming to be humble and in being at the same time presumptuous(III 48;cf.Livy X 4.9-1o). I93.Discourses III 45 and 39 end. Livy X 28.13.