# Chapter 5

Chapter  I



I.Letter   to   Vettori,December   IO,
I513.
2.Of   the    I42    chapter   headings    of the      Discourses,39       contain      proper names.
3. Discourses    IIr(234),III    I9    and 42;cf.II    20    beginning.
4.Cf.   Prince,  ch.I5      beginning.
5.See   page   23   above.
6.Cf.the   Epistle   Dedicatory   of   the Prince.
7.We  are  thus  not  unprepared  to find that the most extraordinary con- queror,Alexander      (the      Great),is mentioned  twice  in  the  heading  of the  following  chapter.
8.Di scourses,  I   pr.
9.The  tacit   emphasis   on   ancient examples in ch.9 has a special reason. It  draws  our  attention  to  the  im- propriety of discussing in the  Prince the most important modern  example of civil principalities i.e.,the rule  of the  Medici.Machiavelli  leaves  it  at discussing  the   ancient   counterpart: Nabis    of   Sparta.Cf.ch.21(73).
1o.Compare also the chief example of  ch.Io(the   German   cities   which are  free  to  the  highest  degree)with the  remark  about  the  Swiss  in  ch. I2(the Swiss are armed to the highest degree  and  free  to  the  highest).This distinction   is   developed   somewhat
more  fully  in Discourses  II   19(286- 287I)I..Chs.I2(41)and                    13(43,44). Cf.the   letter   to   Piero    Soderini   of January    15I2.

I2.Chs.I7(52)and                     18(55).In the   only  intervening  reference  to  lit- erature-ch.I7(54)-Machiavelli               at- tacks“the      writers”and      no      longer merely  as  he  did  at  the  beginning  of ch.I5,“many”writers.Incidentally,
“many    writers”are    attacked    in    the Discourses   as  early  as  the  tenth  chap- ter;the   break   with   the   tradition   be- comes  explicit  in  the  Discourses  pro-  portionately  much  earlier  than  in  the PrceC.f. the  relation  of  princes  and ministers as it appears in ch.22 with the relation of Cesare Borgia and his minister   as   presented   in   ch.7(24).
14.Chs.20,22  and  23   contain  only modern   examples.The   explicit   em- phasis  on  modern  examples  in  ch.I8 (How  princes   should  keep  faith)has a special reason just as had the tacit emphasis  on  ancient  examples  in  ch. 9:   Machiavelli  draws   our   attention to  the  modern  form  of  faithlessness or  hypocrisy  which  strikingly  differs from the Roman form (cf. Discourses II3  end).There  is  a  connection  be- tween this thought  and the reference to   “pious   cruelty”in   ch.21.Machia- velli  indicates  that  the  argument  of ch.I8  requires   a  special  act  of  dar- in (55)h..I9   is   the   center   not   only of  the  third  part  but  of  the  whole section  of  the Prince  which  follows the discussion of the various kinds of principality,i.e.,of that  whole  section which  in  the  light  of  the  beginning





NOTES
of the Prince  comes   as   a   surprise(cf. ch.I    where    the    theme"the    various kinds    of    principality”  is   announced   with  the  beginnings  of  chs.I2,I5  and
24).Whereas        the        first,second,and fourth  parts  of  the   Prince   each   con- tain    one    Latin    quotation,the    third part   contains   two   of   them.-Compare the   beginning   of   ch.6   with   the   be- ginnings   of   chs.  2I-23  in    the    light of  the   observation   made   in  the  text.
16.Cf.pages     46-47     above.
17.Ch,20(67-68).The        opinion        de- scribed     there     as     held     by“our    an- cients”   is    described   in   Discourses   III  27(403)as   a   modern   opinion   held   by "the   sages   of   our   city   sometime   ago."
18.Shortly    before,Machiavelli    men- tions    "natural   affection" for   a  prince. He  had  not  used  that  expression  since early    in   ch.  4.   But    there   he   had spoken  of  the  natural  affection  of  the subjects   for   the   French   barons,their lords   from   time   immemorial;now   he speaks  of  natural  affection  for  a  new prince.The        transition  is   partly   ef-  fected  by  what  he  says  in  ch.I9   (6o)  about    the     hatred,founded     in     fear, of    the    French    people    against    the French    magnates.
19. Ch.  2I   (7 2).  Cf.  ch.  3  end.
20.The    most    unqualified   attack  in the Prince   on  ancient  writers   in  gen- eral  ("the          writers")-ch.I7(54)—OC- curs   within   the   context   of  a  praise of  ancient  statesmen  or  captains.—The fourth     part   of  the   Prince   contains  one   Latin    quotation    and    the    only Italian    quotation     occurring     in     the
book.
21. Prince   chs.6(18)and                  I(36).
22.To"treat"something           means   to “reason”about      it(Prince,ch.2            be- ginning     and    ch.8   beginning).Ma-
chiavelli   calls   his   discourse   on   the Decemvirate,which     includes     an  ex- tensive    summary    of   Livy's    account of  the   Decemvirate   and   therefore   in particular  of  the  actions  of  the  would- be  tyrant  Appius   Claudius,the   “above written     treatise”(Discourses     I     43), whereas  he   calls  his  discourse  on  the

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liberality    of    the    senate"the    above written    discourse”(Discourses    I    52 beginning).In    Discourses    II    32(323) trattato  means    "conspiracy."He    calls Xenophon's     Hiero           a"treatise”on
tyranny(II   2)while   he   calls   Dante's Monarchia        a“discourse”(I       53).In Florentine    Histories    I     2,he     calls the  First  Book  of  that   work  nostro
tra.oas.o  the  end  of  ch.I3
with  ch.25.-In  the  first  chapter  Ma- chiavelli  indicates  I3  subjects  whose treatment  might  seem  to  require  I3 chapters,and  he  indicates  in  the  fif- teenth chapter II subjects whose treat- ment might seem to require II chap- ters.
24.Chs.26    and    4    of    the    Prince begin  with  practically  the  same  word.
25.Cf.Di     scourses  I        23(I53).
26.Only   at  the   end   of  ch. 4  does Machiavelli   allude   to   Italy   by  men- tioning   the   failure   of   Pyrrhus,i.e., his  failure  to  keep  his  conquests  in Italy.
27. Prince     ch.7(23-25); cf.O pere
I   637.Consider   Machiavelli's   state- ment  on  the  pernicious  character  of the feudal nobility in Discourses I 55.
28.The     term     “fatherland”which occurs in chs. 6,8  and g is avoided in ch.7, the  chapter  devoted  to  Cesare Borgia.
29.The   subject-matter  of  ch.5  is slightly   concealed(see   the   unobtru- sive transition from states in general to   cities   i.e.,republics,near   the   be- ginning:volerli   ... ruinarle).It    al- most goes without saying that almost all  examples  in  this  chapter  are  an- cient. All the more striking is Machia- velli's silence about the Roman mode of ruling republican cities by making them allies;see Discourses II 24(303)  and    19(285);he  tacitly  rejects  this mode in the Prince because it is im- practicable  for  a  prince  who  is  to become  prince  of  a  united    Italy.一 When discussing the badness of mer- cenary armies, Machiavelli uses almost exclusively examples which show that




》308《
mercenary  armies  have  ruined  or  en- dangered    republics.He    thus    shows in  effect  that  mercenaries  can  be  emi- nently   good   for   a   leader   of   mer- cenary    armies,like    Sforza    who    by being  armed  became  a   new    prince; compare     ch.I2     with     chs.7(21)and 14    (36).As    we    learn    from    Livy (XXXVII     27.15),Nabis     of     Sparta whom   Machiavelli   praises,placed   the greatest   confidence  in  his  mercenary troops.(This   report   of  Livy  precedes almost   immediately   his   account   of Philopoemen   which   Machiavelli  uses in   Prince       ch.I4).These       remarks taken   together  with   those   about   the soldiers   of  the   Roman   emperors   in ch.I9  and  about  the  impossibility  of arming  all  able-bodied  Italian  subjects in      ch.20(67)reveal      a      possibility which  deserves  attention.In  this  con- nection  one  should  also  consider  what Machiavelli   says  toward  the   end  of the    ninth    chapter,immediately    after having    praised(the    tyrant)Nabis    of Sparta,about   the    superiority   of   ab- solute       principalities,i.e.,about       the kind  of  principality  which  was  tradi- tionally    called    tyranny    (Discourses I   25   end),and   compare   it   with   the confrontation  of  the  Turkish  and  the
3n)ohi .() ..
Discourses I     I2(I30).
31.Compare    Discourses  I  26  with Prince         chs.7(24),8(30),I3         end, 17 and  21 beginning.Just     as    Philip became    "from    a    little    king,prince of  Greece”by   the   use   of   the   most cruel  means,Ferdinand   of  Aragon  be- came  "from  a  weak king,the  first king of  the   Christians”by  the  use  of  “pi- ous   cruelty.”
32. Prince        chs.3(II-I3),7(23,26), II(37-38);   cf.D iscourses  III  29.We note  in  passing  that  in  the  Prince ch.16(50-51)Machiavelli    holds    up "the   present   king   of   France,"“the present king of Spain,"and Pope Jul- ius  II  but  not  the  present  Pope,Leo

NOTES

X,who    possesses“goodness     and    in-
finite     other     virtues,"(ch.II     end)as
models   of   prudent   stinginess   which
is  the  indispensable  condition  for"do-
ing         great         things."Cf.Ranke,Die
Roemischen   Paepste, ed.by      F.Baeth-
gen, I,273  on Leo X's  extravagance. 一
In   the  Prince   Machiavell i   tells   two
stories    about    private      conversations
which   he   had   had(chs.3   and   7).Ac-
cording  to  the  first  story  Machiavelli
once  told  a  French  cardinal  that  the
French   know   nothing   of   politics,for
otherwise    they  would  not  have  per-
mitted  the  Church  to  become  so  great
(through  the  exploits  of  Cesare   Bor-
gia).The      second      story   deals   with
what  Cesare  told  Machiavelli  on  the
day   on   which   Pope   Julius   II   was
elected,i.e.,on    which    Cesare's    hopes
were   dashed   through   his   insufficient
control    of    the    Church:Cesare    had
in   fact   committed   the   same   mistake
as  the  French,but  he  had  the  excuse
that  he  had  no  choice.In   Florentine
Histories     I     23,Machiavelli     alludes
to   the   possibility    that    the    papacy
might    become    hereditary.Could    he
have  played  with  the  thought  that  a
new    Cesare    Borgia    might    redeem
Italy     after.'having     himself    become
Pope   and   the   founder   of   a   papal
oyV.stoues Apil I22.6C,.       letter
34. Discourses   I   27;  Opere   I   683.
35.Machiavelli    prepares    for    the    si- lence   about   Romulus   in   ch.26   in   the following     manner:in      ch.6     he      enu- merates  the   four   heroic    founders   three times    and    in    the    final    enumeration he    relegates    Romulus    to    the    end.Cf. Florentine       Histories  VI   29.
36.Prince    chs.I,6(17-19),8(29-
30),14(48),19(66),20(67)and            24
(77);cf.    Art  of  War    VII(616-617).
37.Cf.   Prince     ch.22.
38.  Ch.  7(21-22   ).   Cf.   pages 22-23 above.
39.Letter     to     [Ricciardo     Bechi], March     8,I497 ·
40.The  shift  in  Prince   ch.26   from



NOTES

Lorenzo  to  his  family  can  be  under- stood  to  some  extent  from  the  point of  view   indicated   in   the   text.As  for the  unreliability  of  promises  stemming from    passion,cf.Discourses    II    31;as for   the   popularity   of   grand   hopes and    valiant    promises, cf.   Discourses I  53 ·
4I.This    is    not    to    deny  the   fact  that  the  miracles  attested  to  by  Ma- chiavelli    are   without   example    inso- far   as   their    sequence    differs    from the  sequence  of  the  Mosaic  miracles.
chs.3(I3),I2(39,41), 25(8o-8I);cf.Dis-
courses  I    27.One    can    express    the progress  of  the   argument   in  the  last part   of   the    Prince    as   follows:   I)
r;)t   mendpen   onvi.
but  chance  can  be  kept  down  by  the right  kind  of  man (ch.  25);3)chance
has  done  the  most  difficult  part  of the work    required    for    liberating    Italy, only   the   rest   needs   to   be   done   by means  of virtue(ch.26).
43.The    7    real    defeats    must    be taken    together   with    the    4    invented miracles  if  one  wants  to  grasp  Machia- velli's     intimation.
44. Discourses  II  3o  end.
45.In     the     "highest"part     of     the Prince    Machiavelli     speaks    of    "us Florentines,"    (chs .I5     and     20)while in   the   other   parts   of   the   book   he speaks        of“us        Italians”(chs.2,I2,I3 and   24).-The   tyrant   Nabis   had   de- stroyed   the   freedom   of   many   Greek cities    (Justinus    XXXI,  1);    by    his assassination    that    freedom    was    re- stored.Cf.     note   9  above.























1

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47. Discourses    III    2    end    and    35 (422-423).
48.Compare     Discourses     I     30(163) with        29(16o-161).
49.Apart   from   the   Epistle   Dedica- tory   and   ch.26   where   Machiavelli, speaking of Lorenzo to Lorenzo uses the   plural   of   reverence,he   uses   the second   person   plural   only   in   con- nection   with   verbs   like   "seeing," “finding,"“considering,"and     “under- standing.”There          are,I          believe,II cases  of  the  latter  kind  in  the Prince while  in the Discourses, if I  remem- ber  well,there  are  only  2(I  58  [221] and  II  30  [317]):i   n  the   Discourses which    are    addressed    to    potential princes,the     need     to     distinguish     be-
tween    doers    and    thinkers    does    not arise to the same extent as it does in the Prince.Consider Discourses II pr. (230).  In   the  chapter   of the   Prince on                   flatterers-ch.23(75)-Machiavelli uses    Thou    when    speaking    of    the prince  to  the  prince,while  he  uses the  third  person  when  speaking  of the  prudent  prince:he   is   not   a   flat- terer.Ch.3(I0-II)beautifully                          illus-
trates      how      Machiavelli      the      teacher works  together  with  his  readers  in examining   certain   things   as   well   as how   his   contribution   differs   from that  of his  readers.
50. Prince       chs.18(55)and      19(62).
51.Swift's    Houyhnhnms,being    rea-
sonable  horses,are  centaurs  if  a   cen-
taur  is  a  being  which  combines  the
perfection   of a horse   with   the   per-
fection   of   man.In    order   to   under-
stand   what   the   recommendation   to
imitate  these beast-men means in  Gul-
liver's    Travels,one    would    have    to



















53.Machiavelli  does  not  even   sug-




》3IO《
gest    that    Cesare    Borgia,the    model, was   animated  by  patriotism   or   con- cerned    with    the    common    good.It is  true  that  he  contrasts  Cesare  with the  criminal  Agathocles  by  not  call- ing  Cesare  a  criminal.But  if one  looks at   the   actions   of   the   two   men,the contrast    vanishes:in    describing    Ag- athocles  as  a  criminal,he  provisional- ly    adopts    the    traditional   judgment on  that  man,whereas  there   does  not yet   exist   a   traditional   judgment   on Cesare.The    traditional    condemnation of Agathocles was partly based on the fact   that   he   had   risen   to   princely power   from“a   base   and   abject   con- dition.”Machiavelli   refers   to   a   simi- lar  consideration  when  explaining  the failure   of   Maximinus-Prince       ch.I9 (64-65)-but   it   is   irrelevant   for   his  own  judgment   as   can  be   seen   from Discourses   II   I3,to   say   nothing   of the  Epistle  Dedicatory  to  the   Prince  where  he  describes  himself  as“a  man of   low    and   base    state."The   main
reason  why  Machiavelli  had  to  speak of  a  criminal  ruler  was  that  he  was compelled   to   indicate   that   he   was questioning   the   traditional   distinction between   the   criminal   and   the   non- criminal  as  far  as  founders  are  con- cerned.He    thus    presents    Agathocles as  the  classical  example  of  the  crimi- nal   ruler,as a  breaker   of all  divine  and   human   laws,a   murderer   and   a traitor ,a   man    without   faith,mercy
and  religion;Agathocles  possessed  in- deed   greatness   of   mind;although    a most   excellent   captain,he   cannot   be counted   among   the   most   excellent men;his    actions    could    acquire    for him   empire   but   not   glory;he   bene- fited   indeed   his   subjects,or   rather the  common  people,but  he  did  this of course entirely for selfish reasons. In   the   sequel   Machiavelli   retracts everything  he  had   said  in  connection with Agathocles about the difference between  an  able  criminal  ruler  and an   able   non-criminal   ruler.The   first step is the praise of Nabis whom he calls  a  prince  in  the  Prince  while   he

NOTES

calls  him  in  the  Discourses a   tyrant:  Nabis'policy    was    fundamentally    the same   as   that   of   Agathocles(compare Prince    chs.9    [33]and    I9    [58]with  Discourses I  io  [122]and  ch.40  [187]). The   second   step   is   the   questioning of   the   difference   between“most   ex- cellent    captain”and    “most    excellent  man”:good    arms    are    the    necessary  and  sufficient  condition  of  good  laws, and  Agathocles  had   good   arms; Cy-   rus,the     excellent     man     most     em- phatically  praised,is  not  said  to  have possessed faith,    mercy   and   religion, but   he   is   distinguished   by   greatness of  mind,i.e.,by   a   quality   which   Ag- athocles    also    possessed.One    reason  why    Agathocles    cannot  be   counted   among  the  most   excellent  men   is  his savage     cruelty     and    inhumanity;but  Hannibal  who  is  likewise  characterized by  inhuman  cruelty  is  a  most  excel- lent    man.(Compare     Prince   chs.I2
[38-39],14     [47-48],17     [54],26     [81] with  Discourses    II    18    [28o]and    II 21  end).The  last  step  is  to  show  that glory   can   be   acquired   by   crime   or in  spite  of  crime.This  is  shown  most clearly   by  the  case  of  Severus  (see  pages   46-47   above),but   hardly   less clearly  by  Prince  ch.18    toward    the end,to   say   nothing   of   Machiavelli's observations   regarding   Giovampagolo Baglioni  in Discourses I  27.
54. Prince  chs.6(18),8(27,29,30), 9 ( 3I,33),26(84).
55. Prince         ch.26(83); Discourses II  4  toward  the  end  and  III  43;Art of    War,at     the     end;compare     Dis- courses   Ir   end   with   Livy   I   34.I2- 35.I2,also     Livy     V   15.Cf.note      45 above.
56.Cf.Art    of   War    II(489).
57.Cf.   Discourses   I  53 ·
58.P rince       ch.5;  Discourses   II   2 (239-240).In    the    preceding    chapter  of  the  Discourses(2  34)there      occurs one   of   the    few   references   to   the Prince;  the  reference   is  to  the  third chapter  i.e.,to  the   section  which  deals with    conquest.
59. Princ e        ch.21(71-73).






NOTES
6o.P  rince   chs.I2(38-       39)a   nd   19 (58); Discourses        I4(I03);Opere        I  473·
61. Prince    chs.  3   (6),6(I9),9
(3I,32),Io(35-3     6),I7(53),18(57),
23(75),24(78);Discourses    I    57    and 58(217-2I9).In   the   Prince     chs.7(22) and    8(28)he    applies    expressions    to Cesare    Borgia    and    to    Agathocles which  he  had   applied  to  himself  in the   Epistle     Dedicatory.
62.Cf.    Discourses  Epistle    Dedica- tory  and  the  letter  to  Vettori  of  De-

》3II《
cember    Io,I513 ·
63.The   I   pairs   of   moral   qualities  mentioned  in   ch.I5   and  the  II  rules of   conduct    discussed    in    chs.20-2I prove    on    examination    to    be    I0. Compare    Hobbes're-writing     of    the decalogue  in  Leviathan,  ch.30.





65.Compare    Discourses    III    35    be- ginning   with   Prince         ch.6(19).
