# CHAPTER IV

CHAPTER IV

The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggibonzi--Dismay in
Florence on account of the defeat--Progress of the duke of Calabria--The
Florentines wish for peace--Lorenzo de' Medici determines to go to
Naples to treat with the king--Lodovico Sforza, surnamed the Moor, and
his brothers, recalled to Milan--Changes in the government of that city
in consequence--The Genoese take Serezana--Lorenzo de' Medici arrives
at Naples--Peace concluded with the king--The pope and the Venetians
consent to the peace--The Florentines in fear of the duke of
Calabria--Enterprises of the Turks--They take Otranto--The Florentines
reconciled with the pope--Their ambassadors at the papal court--The
pope's reply to the ambassadors--The king of Naples restores to the
Florentines all the fortresses he had taken.

The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and disorder prevailing
in every department, the duke of Calabria, who was with his forces near
Sienna, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines, finding
the enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic; neither their arms,
nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their adversaries,
nor their position, which was one of great strength, could give them
confidence; but observing the dust occasioned by the enemy's approach,
without waiting for a sight of them, they fled in all directions,
leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to be taken by the
foe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the armies of those times,
that the turning of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide the
fate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the king's troops with booty,
and filled the Florentines with dismay; for the city, besides the war,
was afflicted with pestilence, which prevailed so extensively, that all
who possessed villas fled to them to escape death. This occasioned the
defeat to be attended with greater horror; for those citizens whose
possessions lay in the Val di Pesa and the Val d'Elsa, having retired to
them, hastened to Florence with all speed as soon as they heard of the
disaster, taking with them not only their children and their property,
but even their laborers; so that it seemed as if the enemy were expected
every moment in the city. Those who were appointed to the management
of the war, perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the
victorious forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in that
direction, and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, who, after
their victory, plundered the country without opposition; and although
the Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia that
it was expected to fall into their hands every instant, the people
preferred defending their own possessions to endeavoring to seize those
of others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good
fortune, were marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles of
Florence; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position till
the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand, the
enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened by
the departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount in the
districts of Arezzo and Cortona; while those who under Alfonso, duke
of Calabria, had been victorious near Poggibonzi, took the town itself;
sacked Vico and Certaldo, and after these conquests and pillagings
encamped before the fortress of Colle, which was considered very strong;
and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the Florentines, it was
hoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the republic was able to
collect its forces. The Florentines being at Santo Casciano, and the
enemy continuing to use their utmost exertions against Colle, they
determined to draw nearer, that the inhabitants might be more resolute
in their defense, and the enemy assail them less boldly. With this
design they removed their camp from Santo Casciano to Santo Geminiano,
about five miles from Colle, and with light cavalry and other suitable
forces were able every day to annoy the duke's camp. All this, however,
was insufficient to relieve the people of Colle; for, having consumed
their provisions, they were compelled to surrender on the thirteenth of
November, to the great grief of the Florentines, and joy of the enemy,
more especially of the Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred of
the Florentines, had a particular animosity against the people of Colle.

It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war,
that the pope and the king, either designing to hold out a hope of
peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed a
truce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days to
consider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted; but as wounds are
well known to be more painful after the blood cools than when they
were first received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to a
consciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens openly
laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors committed in the
management of the war, the expenses uselessly incurred, and the taxes
unjustly imposed. These matters were boldly discussed, not only in
private circles, but in the public councils; and one individual even
ventured to turn to Lorenzo de' Medici, and say, "The city is exhausted,
and can endure no more war; it is therefore necessary to think of
peace." Lorenzo was himself aware of the necessity, and assembled the
friends in whose wisdom and fidelity he had the greatest confidence,
when it was at once concluded, that as the Venetians were lukewarm and
unfaithful, and the duke in the power of his guardians, and involved
in domestic difficulties, it would be desirable by some new alliance to
give a better turn to their affairs. They were in doubt whether to apply
to the king or to the pope; but having examined the question in all
sides, they preferred the friendship of the king as more suitable and
secure; for the short reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing upon
each succession, the disregard shown by their church toward temporal
princes, and the still greater want of respect for them exhibited in
her determinations, render it impossible for a secular prince to trust
a pontiff, or safely to share his fortune; for an adherent of the pope
will have a companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while
the pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Having
therefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatest
utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainly
obtained by Lorenzo's presence; for in proportion to the confidence they
evinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the probability
of removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo having resolved to
go to Naples, recommended the city and government to the care of Tommaso
Soderini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of Justice. He left Florence
at the beginning of December, and having arrived at Pisa, wrote to
the government to acquaint them with the cause of his departure. The
Signory, to do him honor, and enable him the more effectually to treat
with the king, appointed him ambassador from the Florentine people, and
endowed him with full authority to make such arrangements as he thought
most useful for the republic.

At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascanio (Sforza
their elder brother being dead) again attacked Milan, in order to
recover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and the
whole state being in arms, the duchess Bona was advised to restore the
Sforzeschi, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them to
the government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio Tassino, of
Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell into the hands
of the duke Galeazzo, and was given by him to his duchess for her valet.
He, either from his personal attractions, or some secret influence,
after the duke's death attained such influence over the duchess, that
he governed the state almost at his will. This greatly displeased
the minister Cecco, whom prudence and long experience had rendered
invaluable; and who, to the utmost of his power, endeavored to diminish
the authority of Tassino with the duchess and other members of the
government. The latter, aware of this, to avenge himself for the injury,
and secure defenders against Cecco, advised the duchess to recall the
Sforzeschi, which she did, without communicating her design to the
minister, who, when it was done, said to her, "You have taken a step
which will deprive me of my life, and you of the government." This
shortly afterward took place; for Cecco was put to death by Lodovico,
and Tassino, being expelled from the dukedom, the duchess was so enraged
that she left Milan, and gave up the care of her son to Lodovico, who,
becoming sole governor of the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafter
seen, the ruin of Italy.

Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce between the
parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso, being
in correspondence with some persons of Serezana, entered the place by
stealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and imprisoned the
Florentine governor. This greatly offended the Signory, for they thought
the whole had been concerted with the connivance of King Ferrando. They
complained to the duke of Calabria, who was with the army at Sienna,
of a breach of the truce; and he endeavored to prove, by letters and
embassies, that it had occurred without either his own or his father's
knowledge. The Florentines, however, found themselves in a very awkward
predicament, being destitute of money, the head of the republic in the
power of the king, themselves engaged in a long-standing war with the
latter and the pope, in a new one with the Genoese, and entirely without
friends; for they had no confidence in the Venetians, and on account
of its changeable and unsettled state they were rather apprehensive of
Milan. They had thus only one hope, and that depended upon Lorenzo's
success with the king.

Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably received, not
only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited the
greatest expectation; for it being generally understood that the war was
undertaken for the sole purpose of effecting his destruction, the power
of his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being admitted
to the king's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon the affairs
of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his hopes
from peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando was more
astonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his genius,
his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his power.
He consequently treated him with redoubled honor, and began to feel
compelled rather to part with him as a friend, than detain him as an
enemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from December
till March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of his own
views, but of those of his city; for he was not without enemies, who
would have wished the king to detain and treat him in the same manner as
Jacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of sympathizing for him,
pointed out all that would, or rather that they wished should, result
from such a course; at the same time opposing in the council every
proposition at all likely to favor him. By such means as these the
opinion gained ground, that if he were detained at Naples much longer,
the government of Florence would be changed. This caused the king to
postpone their separation more than he would have otherwise done, to
see if any disturbance were likely to arise. But finding everything go
quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on the sixth of March, 1479,
having, with every kind of attention and token of regard, endeavored to
gain his affection, and formed with him a perpetual alliance for their
mutual defense. Lorenzo returned to Florence, and upon presenting
himself before the citizens, the impressions he had created in the
popular mind surrounded him with a halo of majesty brighter than before.
He was received with all the joy merited by his extraordinary qualities
and recent services, in having exposed his own life to the most imminent
peril, in order to restore peace to his country. Two days after his
return, the treaty between the republic of Florence and the king, by
which each party bound itself to defend the other's territories, was
published. The places taken from the Florentines during the war were
to be taken up at the discretion of the king; the Pazzi confined in the
tower of Volterra were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money,
for a limited period, was to be paid to the duke of Calabria.

As soon as this peace was publicly known, the pope and the Venetians
were transported with rage; the pope thought himself neglected by
the king; the Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to the
Florentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war,
they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of this
description being spread abroad, and received with entire credence at
Florence, caused a general fear that the peace thus made would give rise
to greater wars; and therefore the leading members of the government
determined to confine the consideration of the most important affairs to
a smaller number, and formed a council of seventy citizens, in whom the
principal authority was invested. This new regulation calmed the minds
of those desirous of change, by convincing them of the futility of their
efforts. To establish their authority, they in the first place ratified
the treaty of peace with the king, and sent as ambassadors to the pope
Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi. But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso,
duke of Calabria, still remained at Sienna with his forces, pretending
to be detained by discords among the citizens, which, he said, had risen
so high, that while he resided outside the city they had compelled
him to enter and assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took
occasion to draw large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by way
of fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death; he
thus became suspected, not only by the Siennese but by the Florentines,
of a design to usurp the sovereignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy then
available, for the republic had formed a new alliance with the king,
and were at enmity with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was
entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, who
were subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members of
the government; and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city never
was in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in similar
extremities has always been her preserver, caused an unhoped-for event
to take place, which gave the pope, the king, and the Venetians other
matters to think of than those in Tuscany.

The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II. had gone with a large army to the siege
of Rhodes, and continued it for several months; but though his forces
were numerous, and his courage indomitable, he found them more than
equalled by those of the besieged, who resisted his attack with such
obstinate valor, that he was at last compelled to retire in disgrace.
Having left Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha Achmet, approached
Velona, and, either from observing the facility of the enterprise, or
in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting along the Italian
shores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers, and attacked the city
of Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, and put all the inhabitants
to the sword. He then fortified the city and port, and having assembled
a large body of cavalry, pillaged the surrounding country. The king,
learning this, and aware of the redoubtable character of his assailant,
immediately sent messengers to all the surrounding powers, to request
assistance against the common enemy, and ordered the immediate return of
the duke of Calabria with the forces at Sienna.

This attack, however it might annoy the duke and the rest of Italy,
occasioned the utmost joy at Florence and Sienna; the latter thinking it
had recovered its liberty, and the former that she had escaped a storm
which threatened her with destruction. These impressions, which were not
unknown to the duke, increased the regret he felt at his departure
from Sienna; and he accused fortune of having, by an unexpected and
unaccountable accident, deprived him of the sovereignty of Tuscany. The
same circumstance changed the disposition of the pope; for although he
had previously refused to receive any ambassador from Florence, he was
now so mollified as to be anxious to listen to any overtures of peace;
and it was intimated to the Florentines, that if they would condescend
to ask the pope's pardon, they would be sure of obtaining it. Thinking
it advisable to seize the opportunity, they sent twelve ambassadors
to the pontiff, who, on their arrival, detained them under different
pretexts before he would admit them to an audience. However, terms were
at length settled, and what should be contributed by each in peace or
war. The messengers were then admitted to the feet of the pontiff, who,
with the utmost pomp, received them in the midst of his cardinals. They
apologized for past occurrences; first showing they had been compelled
by necessity, then blaming the malignity of others, or the rage of the
populace, and their just indignation, and enlarging on the unfortunate
condition of those who are compelled either to fight or die; saying,
that since every extremity is endured in order to avoid death, they had
suffered war, interdicts, and other inconveniences, brought upon them
by recent events, that their republic might escape slavery, which is
the death of free cities. However, if in their necessities they had
committed any offense, they were desirous to make atonement, and trusted
in his clemency, who, after the example of the blessed Redeemer, would
receive them into his compassionate arms.

The pope's reply was indignant and haughty. After reiterating all the
offenses against the church during the late transactions, he said that,
to comply with the precepts of God, he would grant the pardon they
asked, but would have them understand, that it was their duty to obey;
and that upon the next instance of their disobedience, they would
inevitably forfeit, and that most deservedly, the liberty which they had
just been upon the point of losing; for those merit freedom who exercise
themselves in good works and avoid evil; that liberty, improperly used,
injures itself and others; that to think little of God, and less of his
church, is not the part of a free man, but a fool, and one disposed to
evil rather than good, and to effect whose correction is the duty not
only of princes but of every Christian; so that in respect of the recent
events, they had only themselves to blame, who, by their evil deeds, had
given rise to the war, and inflamed it by still worse actions, it having
been terminated by the kindness of others rather than by any merit of
their own. The formula of agreement and benediction was then read; and,
in addition to what had already been considered and agreed upon between
the parties, the pope said, that if the Florentines wished to enjoy the
fruit of his forgiveness, they must maintain fifteen galleys, armed,
and equipped, at their own expense, as long as the Turks should make
war upon the kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors complained much of this
burden in addition to the arrangement already made, but were unable to
obtain any alleviation. However, after their return to Florence, the
Signory sent, as ambassador to the pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, who
had recently returned from France, and who by his prudence brought
everything to an amicable conclusion, obtained many favors from the
pontiff, which were considered as presages of a closer reconciliation.

Having settled their affairs with the pope, Sienna being free,
themselves released from the fear of the king, by the departure of
the duke of Calabria from Tuscany, and the war with the Turks
still continuing, the Florentines pressed the king to restore their
fortresses, which the duke of Calabria, upon quitting the country, had
left in the hands of the Siennese. Ferrando, apprehensive that if he
refused, they would withdraw from the alliance with him, and by new wars
with the Siennese deprive him of the assistance he hoped to obtain from
the pope and other Italian powers, consented that they should be given
up, and by new favors endeavored to attach the Florentines to his
interests. It is thus evident, that force and necessity, not deeds and
obligations, induce princes to keep faith.

The castles being restored, and this new alliance established, Lorenzo
de' Medici recovered the reputation which first the war and then the
peace, when the king's designs were doubtful, had deprived him of; for
at this period there was no lack of those who openly slandered him with
having sold his country to save himself, and said, that in war they had
lost their territories, and in peace their liberty. But the fortresses
being recovered, an honorable treaty ratified with the king, and the
city restored to her former influence, the spirit of public discourse
entirely changed in Florence, a place greatly addicted to gossip, and in
which actions are judged by the success attending them, rather than by
the intelligence employed in their direction; therefore, the citizens
praised Lorenzo extravagantly, declaring that by his prudence he had
recovered in peace, what unfavorable circumstances had taken from them
in war, and that by his discretion and judgment he had done more than
the enemy with all the force of their arms.



