# Book VIII

CHAPTER I

State of the family of the Medici at Florence--Enmity of Sixtus IV.
toward Florence--Differences between the family of the Pazzi and that
of the Medici--Beginning of the conspiracy of the Pazzi--Arrangements to
effect the design of the conspiracy--Giovanni Batista da Montesecco
is sent to Florence--The pope joins the conspiracy--The king of Naples
becomes a party to it--Names of the conspirators--The conspirators make
many ineffectual attempts to kill Lorenzo and Giuliano de' Medici--The
final arrangement--Order of the conspiracy.

This book, commencing between two conspiracies, the one at Milan already
narrated, the other yet to be recorded, it would seem appropriate, and
in accordance with our usual custom, were we to treat of the nature and
importance of these terrible demonstrations. This we should willingly do
had we not discussed the matter elsewhere, or could it be comprised in
few words. But requiring much consideration, and being already noticed
in another place, it will be omitted, and we shall proceed with our
narrative. The government of the Medici having subdued all its avowed
enemies in order to obtain for that family undivided authority, and
distinguish them from other citizens in their relation to the rest,
found it necessary to subdue those who secretly plotted against them.
While Medici contended with other families, their equals in authority
and reputation, those who envied their power were able to oppose them
openly without danger of being suppressed at the first demonstration of
hostility; for the magistrates being free, neither party had occasion to
fear, till one or other of them was overcome. But after the victory of
1466, the government became so entirely centred in the Medici, and
they acquired so much authority, that discontented spirits were obliged
either to suffer in silence, or, if desirous to destroy them, to attempt
it in secrecy, and by clandestine means; which plots rarely succeed and
most commonly involve the ruin of those concerned in them, while they
frequently contribute to the aggrandizement of those against whom they
are directed. Thus the prince of a city attacked by a conspiracy, if
not slain like the duke of Milan (which seldom happens), almost always
attains to a greater degree of power, and very often has his good
disposition perverted to evil. The proceedings of his enemies give him
cause for fear; fear suggests the necessity of providing for his
own safety, which involves the injury of others; and hence arise
animosities, and not unfrequently his ruin. Thus these conspiracies
quickly occasion the destruction of their contrivers, and, in time,
inevitably injure their primary object.

Italy, as we have seen above, was divided into two factions; the pope
and the king on one side; on the other, the Venetians, the duke, and the
Florentines. Although the flames of war had not yet broken out, every
day gave rise to some new occasion for rekindling them; and the pope,
in particular, in all his plans endeavored to annoy the Florentine
government. Thus Filippo de' Medici, archbishop of Pisa, being dead,
Francesco Salviati, a declared enemy of the Medici, was appointed his
successor, contrary to the wish of the Signory of Florence, who being
unwilling to give him possession, there arose between them and the pope
many fresh grounds of offense, before the matter was settled. Besides
this, he conferred, at Rome, many favors upon the family of the Pazzi,
and opposed that of the Medici, whenever an opportunity offered. The
Pazzi were at this time, both on account of nobility of birth and their
great wealth, the most brilliant in France. The head of this family was
Jacopo, whom the people, on account of his distinguished pre-eminence,
had made a knight. He had no children, except one natural daughter, but
many nephews, sons of his brothers Piero and Antonio, the first of whom
were Guglielmo, Francesco, Rinato, Giovanni, and then, Andrea, Niccolo,
and Galeotto. Cosmo de' Medici, noticing the riches and rank of this
family, had given his granddaughter, Bianca, to Guglielmo, hoping
by this marriage to unite the houses, and obviate those enmities and
dissensions so frequently occasioned by jealousy. However (so uncertain
and fallacious are our expectations), very different feelings were thus
originated; for Lorenzo's advisers pointed out to him how dangerous
it was, and how injurious to his authority, to unite in the same
individuals so much wealth and power. In consequence, neither Jacopo
nor his nephews obtained those degrees of honor, which in the opinion of
other citizens were their due. This gave rise to anger in the Pazzi, and
fear on the part of the Medici; as the former of these increased, so did
the latter; and upon all occasions, when the Pazzi came in competition
with other citizens, their claims to distinction, however strong, were
set aside by the magistracy. Francesco de' Pazzi, being at Rome, the
Council of Eight, upon some trivial occasion, compelled him to return,
without treating him with the respect usually observed toward great
citizens, so that the Pazzi everywhere bitterly complained of the
ill usage they experienced, and thus excited suspicion in others, and
brought down greater evils upon themselves. Giovanni de' Pazzi had
married the daughter of Giovanni Buonromei, a very wealthy man, whose
riches on his decease, without other children, came to his daughter. His
nephew, Carlo, however, took possession of part, and the question being
litigated, a law was passed, by virtue of which the wife of Giovanni de'
Pazzi was robbed of her inheritance, and it was given to Carlo. In this
piece of injustice the Pazzi at once recognized the influence of the
Medici. Giuliano de' Medici often complained to his brother Lorenzo of
the affair, saying he was afraid that by grasping at too much they would
lose all.

Lorenzo, flushed with youth and power, would assume the direction of
everything, and resolved that all transactions should bear an impress
of his influence. The Pazzi, with their nobility and wealth unable to
endure so many affronts, began to devise some means of vengeance. The
first who spoke of any attempt against the Medici, was Francesco, who,
being more sensitive and resolute than the others, determined either to
obtain what was withheld from him, or lose what he still possessed. As
the government of Florence gave him great offense, he resided almost
constantly at Rome, where, like other Florentine merchants, he conducted
extensive commercial operations; and being a most intimate friend of
Count Girolamo, they frequently complained to each other of the conduct
of the Medici. After a while they began to think that for the count to
retain his estates, or the Pazzi their rights in the city, it would be
necessary to change the government of Florence; and this they considered
could not be done without the death of Giuliano and Lorenzo. They
imagined the pope and the king would be easily induced to consent,
because each could be convinced of the facility of the enterprise.
Having acquired these ideas, they communicated them to Francesco
Salviati, archbishop of Pisa, who, being ambitious and recently offended
by the Medici, willingly adopted their views. Considering their next
step, they resolved, in order to facilitate the design, to obtain the
consent of Jacopo de' Pazzi, without whose concurrence they feared it
would be impracticable. With this view, it was resolved that Francesco
de' Pazzi should go to Florence, while the archbishop and the count
were to remain at Rome, to be ready to communicate with the pope when
a suitable opportunity occurred. Francesco found Jacopo de' Pazzi more
cautious and difficult to persuade than he could have wished, and on
imparting this to his friends at Rome, it was thought he desired the
sanction of some greater authority to induce him to adopt their views.
Upon this, the archbishop and the count communicated the whole affair to
Giovanni Batista da Montesecco, a leader of the papal forces, possessing
military reputation, and under obligations to the pope and the count.
To him the affair seemed difficult and dangerous, while the archbishop
endeavored to obviate his objections by showing how much assistance
the pope and the king would lend to the enterprise; the hatred of the
Florentines toward the Medici, the numerous friends the Salviati and
the Pazzi would bring with them, the readiness with which the young men
might be slain, on account of their going about the city unaccompanied
and without suspicion, and the facility with which the government
might then be changed. These things Giovanni Batista did not in
reality believe, for he had heard from many Florentines quite contrary
statements.

While occupied with these deliberations, Carlo, lord of Faenza, was
taken ill, and tears were entertained for his life. This circumstance
seemed to the archbishop and the count to offer an opportunity for
sending Giovanni Batista to Florence, and thence to Romagna, under
pretence of recovering certain territories belonging to the latter,
of which the lord of Faenza had taken possession. The count therefore
commissioned Giovanni Batista to have an interview with Lorenzo de'
Medici, and on his part request his advice how to proceed with respect
to the affair of Romagna; that he should then see Francesco de' Pazzi,
and in conjunction with him endeavor to induce his uncle Jacopo to adopt
their ideas. To render the pope's authority available in their behalf,
Giovanni Batista was ordered, before his departure, to communicate with
the pontiff, who offered every means at his disposal in favor of their
enterprise. Giovanni Batista, having arrived at Florence, obtained an
interview with Lorenzo, by whom he was most graciously received; and
with regard to the advice he was commissioned to ask, obtained a wise
and friendly answer; so that he was astonished at finding him quite a
different character from what he had been represented, and considered
him to possess great sagacity, an affectionate heart, and most amicably
disposed toward the count. He found Francesco de' Pazzi had gone to
Lucca, and spoke to Jacopo, who was at first quite opposed to their
design, but before they parted the pope's authority seemed to have
influenced him; for he told Giovanni Batista, that he might go to
Romagna, and that before his return Francesco would be with him, and
they would then consult more particularly upon the subject. Giovanni
Batista proceeded to Romagna, and soon returned to Florence. After
a pretended consultation with Lorenzo, upon the count's affairs, he
obtained an interview with Francesco and Jacopo de' Pazzi, when the
latter gave his consent to their enterprise. They then discussed the
means of carrying it into effect. Jacopo de' Pazzi was of opinion that
it could not be effected while both the brothers remained at Florence;
and therefore it would be better to wait till Lorenzo went to Rome,
whither it was reported he had an intention of going; for then their
object would be more easily attained. Francesco de' Pazzi had no
objection to Lorenzo being at Rome, but if he were to forego the
journey, he thought that both the brothers might be slain, either at
a marriage, or at a play, or in a church. With regard to foreign
assistance, he supposed the pope might assemble forces for the conquest
of the fortress of Montone, being justified in taking it from Count
Carlo, who had caused the tumults already spoken of in Sienna and
Perugia.

Still no definite arrangement was made; but it was resolved that
Giovanni Batista and Francesco de' Pazzi should go to Rome and settle
everything with the pontiff. The matter was again debated at Rome; and
at length it was concluded that besides an expedition against Montone,
Giovan Francesco da Tolentino, a leader of the papal troops, should go
into Romagna, and Lorenzo da Castello to the Val di Tavere; that each,
with the forces of the country, should hold himself in readiness to
perform the commands of the archbishop de' Salviati and Francesco
de Pazzi, both of whom were to come to Florence, and provide for the
execution of their design, with the assistance of Giovanni Batista da
Montesecco. King Ferrando promised, by his ambassador, to contribute all
in his power to the success of their undertaking. Francesco de' Pazzi
and the archbishop having arrived at Florence, prevailed upon Jacopo
di Poggio, a well educated youth, but ambitious and very desirous
of change, to join them, and two others, each of the name of Jacopo
Salviati, one a brother, the other a kinsman, of the archbishop. They
also gained over Bernardo Bandini and Napoleone Franzeni, two bold young
men, under great obligations to the family of the Pazzi. Besides those
already mentioned, they were joined by Antonio da Volterra and a priest
named Stefano, who taught Latin to the daughter of Jacopo de' Pazzi.
Rinato de' Pazzi, a grave and prudent man, being quite aware of the
evils resulting from such undertakings, refused all participation in the
conspiracy; he held it in abhorrence, and as much as possible, without
betraying his kinsmen, endeavored to counteract it.

The pope had sent Raffaello di Riario, a nephew of Count Girolamo, to
the college of Pisa, to study canon law, and while there, had advanced
him to the dignity of a cardinal. The conspirators determined to bring
this cardinal to Florence, as they would thus be better able to conceal
their design, since any persons requisite to be introduced into the city
might easily be made to appear as a part of his retinue, and his arrival
might facilitate the completion of their enterprise. The cardinal came,
and was received by Jacopo de' Pazzi at his villa of Montughi, near
Florence. By his means it was also intended to bring together Giuliano
and Lorenzo, and whenever this happened, to put them both to death. They
therefore invited them to meet the cardinal at their villa of Fiesole;
but Giuliano, either intentionally or through some preventing cause, did
not attend; and this design having failed, they thought that if asked to
an entertainment at Florence, both brothers would certainly be present.
With this intention they appointed Sunday, the twenty-sixth of April,
1478, to give a great feast; and, resolving to assassinate them at
table, the conspirators met on the Saturday evening to arrange all
proceedings for the following day. In the morning it was intimated to
Francesco that Giuliano would be absent; on which the conspirators again
assembled and finding they could no longer defer the execution of their
design, since it would be impossible among so many to preserve secrecy,
they determined to complete it in the cathedral church of Santa
Reparata, where the cardinal attending, the two brothers would be
present as usual. They wished Giovanni Batista da Montesecco to
undertake the murder of Lorenzo, while that of Giuliano was assigned
to Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini. Giovanni Batista refused,
either because his familiarity with Lorenzo had created feelings in his
favor, or from some other reason, saying he should not have resolution
sufficient to commit such a deed in a church, and thus add sacrilege
to treachery. This caused the failure of their undertaking; for time
pressing, they were compelled to substitute Antonio da Volterra and
Stefano, the priest, two men, who, from nature and habit, were the most
unsuitable of any; for if firmness and resolution joined with experience
in bloodshed be necessary upon any occasion, it is on such as these; and
it often happens that those who are expert in arms, and have faced death
in all forms on the field of battle, still fail in an affair like this.
Having now decided upon the time, they resolved that the signal for the
attack should be the moment when the priest who celebrated high
mass should partake of the sacrament, and that, in the meantime, the
Archbishop de' Salviati, with his followers, and Jacopo di Poggio,
should take possession of the palace, in order that the Signory, after
the young men's death, should voluntarily, or by force, contribute to
their assistance.



CHAPTER II

Giuliano de' Medici slain--Lorenzo escapes--The archbishop Salviati
endeavors to seize the palace of the Signory--He is taken
and hanged--The enterprise of the conspirators entirely
fails--Manifestations of the Florentines in favor of Lorenzo de'
Medici--The conspirators punished--The funeral of Giuliano--The pope
and the king of Naples make war upon the Florentines--Florence
excommunicated--Speech of Lorenzo de' Medici to the citizens of
Florence.

The conspirators proceeded to Santa Reparata, where the cardinal and
Lorenzo had already arrived. The church was crowded, and divine service
commenced before Giuliano's arrival. Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo
Bandini, who were appointed to be his murderers, went to his house,
and finding him, they, by earnest entreaties, prevailed upon him to
accompany them. It is surprising that such intense hatred, and designs
so full of horror as those of Francesco and Bernardo, could be so
perfectly concealed; for while conducting him to the church, and after
they had reached it, they amused him with jests and playful discourse.
Nor did Francesco forget, under pretense of endearment, to press him in
his arms, so as to ascertain whether under his apparel he wore a cuirass
or other means of defense. Giuliano and Lorenzo were both aware of
the animosity of the Pazzi, and their desire to deprive them of the
government; but they felt assured that any design would be attempted
openly, and in conjunction with the civil authority. Thus being free
from apprehension for their personal safety both affected to be on
friendly terms with them. The murderers being ready, each in his
appointed station, which they could retain without suspicion, on account
of the vast numbers assembled in the church, the preconcerted moment
arrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger provided for the
purpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, after a few steps, fell to
the earth. Francesco de' Pazzi threw himself upon the body and covered
him with wounds; while, as if blinded by rage, he inflicted a deep
incision upon his own leg. Antonio and Stefano, the priest, attacked
Lorenzo, and after dealing many blows, effected only a slight incision
in the throat; for either their want of resolution, the activity
of Lorenzo, who, finding himself attacked, used his arms in his own
defense, or the assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, rendered
all attempts futile. They fled and concealed themselves, but being
subsequently discovered, were put to death in the most ignominious
manner, and their bodies dragged about the city. Lorenzo, with the
friends he had about him, took refuge in the sacristy of the church.
Bernardo Bandini, after Giuliano's death, also slew Francesco Nori, a
most intimate friend of the Medici, either from some previous hatred or
for having endeavored to render assistance to Giuliano; and not content
with these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo, intending, by his own
promptitude, to make up for the weakness and inefficiency of the others;
but finding he had taken refuge in the vestry, he was prevented.

In the midst of these violent and fearful deeds, during which the uproar
was so terrible, that it seemed almost sufficient to bring the church
down upon its inmates, the cardinal Riario remained close to the altar,
where he was with difficulty kept in safety by the priests, until the
Signory, upon the abatement of the disturbance, could conduct him to
their palace, where he remained in the utmost terror till he was set at
liberty.

There were at this time in Florence some people of Perugia, whom party
feuds had compelled to leave their homes; and the Pazzi, by promising to
restore them to their country, obtained their assistance. The Archbishop
de' Salviati, going to seize the palace, together with Jacopo di Poggio,
and the Salviati, his friends, took these Perugini with him. Having
arrived, he left part of his people below, with orders that when they
heard a noise they should make themselves masters of the entrance, while
himself, with the greater part of the Perugini, proceeded above, and
finding the Signory at dinner (for it was now late), was admitted
after a short delay, by Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice. He
entered with only a few of his followers, the greater part of them being
shut up in the cancelleria into which they had gone, whose doors were so
contrived, that upon closing they could not be opened from either
side, without the key. The archbishop being with the gonfalonier, under
pretense of having something to communicate on the part of the pope,
addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating manner, that the
gonfalonier at once suspected him, and rushing out of the chamber to
call assistance, found Jacopo di Poggio, whom he seized by the hair
of the head, and gave into the custody of his attendants. The Signory
hearing the tumult, snatched such arms as they could at the moment
obtain, and all who had gone up with the archbishop, part of them being
shut up, and part overcome with terror, were immediately slain or thrown
alive out of the windows of the palace, at which the archbishop, the
two Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopodi Poggio were hanged. Those whom the
archbishop left below, having mastered the guard and taken possession of
the entrance occupied all the lower floors, so that the citizens, who in
the uproar, hastened to the palace, were unable to give either advice or
assistance to the Signory.

Francesco de' Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving Lorenzo's escape,
and the principal agent in the enterprise seriously wounded, became
immediately conscious of the imminent peril of their position. Bernardo,
using the same energy in his own behalf that had served him against the
Medici, finding all lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco, wounded as
he was, got to his house, and endeavored to get on horseback, for it had
been arranged they should ride through the city and call the people to
arms and liberty; but he found himself unable, from the nature of his
wound, and, throwing himself naked upon his bed, begged Jacopo de' Pazzi
to perform the part for which he was himself incapacitated. Jacopo,
though old and unaccustomed to such business, by way of making a last
effort, mounted his horse, and, with about a hundred armed followers,
collected without previous preparation, hastened to the piazza of the
palace, and endeavored to assemble adherents by cries of "people," and
"liberty;" but the former, having been rendered deaf by the fortune and
liberty of the Medici, the latter was unknown in Florence, and he
found no followers. The signors, who held the upper part of the palace,
saluted him with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was met
by Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, who upbraided him with the
troubles he had occasioned, and then advised him to go home, for the
people and liberty were as dear to other citizens as to himself.
Thus deprived of every hope, Lorenzo being alive, Francesco seriously
wounded, and none disposed to follow him, not knowing what to do, he
resolved, if possible, to escape by flight; and, accompanied by those
whom he had led into the piazza, left Florence with the intention of
going into Romagna.

In the meantime the whole city was roused to arms, and Lorenzo de'
Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, returned to his house. The
palace was recovered from its assailants, all of whom were either
slain or made prisoners. The name of the Medici echoed everywhere, and
portions of dead bodies were seen borne on spears and scattered through
the streets; while everyone was transported with rage against the Pazzi,
and pursued them with relentless cruelty. The people took possession
of their houses, and Francesco, naked as they found him, was led to the
palace, and hanged beside the archbishop and the rest. He could not
be induced, by any injurious words or deeds, to utter a syllable, but
regarding those around with a steady look, he silently sighed. Guglielmo
de' Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lorenzo, fled to the latter's house, and
by his innocence and the intercession of his wife, Bianca, he escaped
death. There was not a citizen of any rank whatever who did not, upon
this occasion, wait upon Lorenzo with an offer of his services; so great
were the popularity and good fortune which this family had acquired by
their liberality and prudence. Rinato de' Pazzi was at his villa when
the event took place, and on being informed of it, he endeavored to
escape in disguise, but was arrested upon the road and brought to
Florence. Jacopo de' Pazzi was taken while crossing the mountains
of Romagna, for the inhabitants of these parts having heard what had
occurred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought him back to the
city; nor could he, though he frequently endeavored, prevail with them
to put him to death upon the road. Jacopo and Rinato were condemned
within four days after the murder of Giuliano. And though so many deaths
had been inflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of human
bodies, not one excited a feeling of regret, except that of Rinato; for
he was considered a wise and good man, and possessed none of the pride
for which the rest of his family were notorious. As if to mark the event
by some extraordinary circumstance, Jacopo de' Pazzi, after having
been buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was disinterred like an
excommunicated person, and thrown into a hole at the outside of the city
walls; from this grave he was taken, and with the halter in which he
had been hanged, his body was dragged naked through the city, and, as
if unfit for sepulture on earth, thrown by the populace into the Arno,
whose waters were then very high. It was an awful instance of the
instability of fortune, to see so wealthy a man, possessing the utmost
earthly felicity, brought down to such a depth of misery, such utter
ruin and extreme degradation. It is said he had vices, among which were
gaming and profane swearing, to which he was very much addicted; but
these seem more than balanced by his numerous charities, for he relieved
many in distress, and bestowed much money for pious uses. It may also
be recorded in his favor, that upon the Saturday preceding the death
of Giuliano, in order that none might suffer from his misfortunes, he
discharged all his debts; and whatever property he possessed belonging
to others, either in his own house or his place of business, he was
particularly careful to return to its owners. Giovanni Batista da
Montesecco, after a long examination, was beheaded; Napoleone Franzesi
escaped punishment by flight; Giulielmo de' Pazzi was banished, and
such of his cousins as remained alive were imprisoned in the fortress
of Volterra. The disturbances being over, and the conspirators punished,
the funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid universal
lamentation; for he possessed all the liberality and humanity that could
be wished for in one of his high station. He left a natural son, born
some months after his death, named Giulio, who was endowed with that
virtue and felicity with which the whole world is now acquainted; and
of which we shall speak at length when we come to our own times, if
God spare us. The people who had assembled in favor of the Pazzi under
Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco
da Tolentino in Romagna, approached Florence, but having heard of the
failure of the conspiracy, they returned home.

The changes desired by the pope and the king in the government of
Florence, not having taken place, they determined to effect by war what
they had failed to accomplish by treachery; and both assembled forces
with all speed to attack the Florentine states; publicly declaring that
they only wished the citizens to remove Lorenzo de' Medici, who alone
of all the Florentines was their enemy. The king's forces had already
passed the Tronto, and the pope's were in Perugia; and that the citizens
might feel the effect of spiritual as well as temporal weapons, the
pontiff excommunicated and anathematized them. Finding themselves
attacked by so many armies, the Florentines prepared for their defense
with the utmost care. Lorenzo de' Medici, as the enemy's operations
were said to be directed against himself alone, resolved first of all to
assemble the Signory, and the most influential citizens, in the
palace, to whom, being above three hundred in number, he spoke as
follows:--"Most excellent signors, and you, magnificent citizens, I know
not whether I have more occasion to weep with you for the events which
have recently occurred, or to rejoice in the circumstances with which
they have been attended. Certainly, when I think with what virulence of
united deceit and hatred I have been attacked, and my brother murdered,
I cannot but mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet when
I consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and unanimity of the
whole city my brother has been avenged and myself defended, I am not
only compelled to rejoice, but feel myself honored and exalted; for if
experience has shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended, it
has also proved that I possess more warm and resolute friends than I
could ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for the
injuries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment you have
exhibited toward myself; but I feel more aggrieved by the injuries
committed, since they are so unusual, so unexampled, and (as I trust you
believe) so undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens, to what
a dreadful point ill fortune has reduced our family, when among friends,
amidst our own relatives, nay, in God's holy temple, we have found
our greatest foes. Those who are in danger turn to their friends for
assistance; they call upon their relatives for aid; but we found ours
armed, and resolved on our destruction. Those who are persecuted, either
from public or private motives, flee for refuge to the altars; but where
others are safe, we are assassinated; where parricides and assassins are
secure, the Medici find their murderers. But God, who has not hitherto
abandoned our house, again saved us, and has undertaken the defense of
our just cause. What injury have we done to justify so intense desire of
our destruction? Certainly those who have shown themselves so much our
enemies, never received any private wrong from us; for, had we wished to
injure them, they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. If
they attribute public grievances to ourselves (supposing any had been
done to them), they do the greater injustices to you, to this palace,
to the majesty of this government, by assuming that on our account you
would act unfairly to any of your citizens; and such a supposition, as
we all know, is contradicted by every view of the circumstances; for
we, had we been able, and you, had we wished it, would never have
contributed to so abominable a design. Whoever inquires into the truth
of these matters, will find that our family has always been exalted
by you, and from this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kindness,
liberality, and beneficence, to do good to all; and if we have honored
strangers, when did we ever injure our relatives? If our enemies'
conduct has been adopted, to gratify their desire for power (as would
seem to be the case from their having taken possession of the palace and
brought an armed force into the piazza), the infamous, ambitious, and
detestable motive is at once disclosed. If they were actuated by envy
and hatred of our authority, they offend you rather than us; for from
you we have derived all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped
power deserves to be detested; but not distinctions conceded for acts of
kindness, generosity, and magnificence. And you all know that our family
never attained any rank to which this palace and your united consent did
not raise it. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile with arms
and violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation. It was not
my father, old and inform, who defended the government against so many
enemies, but yourselves by your authority and benevolence defended him;
neither could I, after his death, being then a boy, have maintained the
position of my house except by your favor and advice. Nor should we
ever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic, if you did not
contribute to our support. Therefore, I know not the reason of their
hatred toward us, or what just cause they have of envy. Let them direct
their enmity against their own ancestors, who, by their pride and
avarice, lost the reputation which ours, by very opposite conduct, were
enabled to acquire. But let it be granted we have greatly injured them,
and that they are justified in seeking our ruin; why do they come and
take possession of the palace? Why enter into league with the pope
and the king, against the liberties of this republic? Why break the
long-continued peace of Italy? They have no excuse for this; they ought
to confine their vengeance to those who do them wrong, and not confound
private animosities with public grievances. Hence it is that since their
defeat our misfortune is the greater; for on their account the pope and
the king make war upon us, and this war, they say, is directed against
my family and myself. And would to God that this were true; then the
remedy would be sure and unfailing, for I would not be so base a citizen
as to prefer my own safety to yours; I would at once resolve to ensure
your security, even though my own destruction were the immediate and
inevitable consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes are
usually concealed under some less offensive covering, they have adopted
this plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, however, you think
otherwise, I am in your hands; it is with you to do with me what you
please. You are my fathers, my protectors, and whatever you command me
to do I will perform most willingly; nor will I ever refuse, when you
find occasion to require it, to close the war with my own blood which
was commenced with that of my brother." While Lorenzo spoke, the
citizens were unable to refrain from tears, and the sympathy with which
he had been heard was extended to their reply, delivered by one of
them in the name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged many
advantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his family;
and encouraged them to hope that with as much promptitude as they had
used in his defense, and in avenging his brother's death, they would
secure to him his influence in the government, which he should never
lose while they retained possession of the country. And that their deeds
might correspond with their words, they immediately appointed a number
of armed men, as a guard for the security of his person against domestic
enemies.



CHAPTER III

The Florentines prepare for war against the pope--They appeal to
a future council--Papal and Neapolitan movements against
the Florentines--The Venetians refuse to assist the
Florentines--Disturbances in Milan--Genoa revolts from the duke--Futile
endeavors to effect peace with the pope--The Florentines repulse their
enemies from the territory of Pisa--They attack the papal states--The
papal forces routed upon the borders of the Lake of Perugia.

The Florentines now prepared for war, by raising money and collecting
as large a force as possible. Being in league with the duke of Milan
and the Venetians, they applied to both for assistance. As the pope had
proved himself a wolf rather than a shepherd, to avoid being devoured
under false accusations, they justified their cause with all available
arguments, and filled Italy with accounts of the treachery practiced
against their government, exposing the impiety and injustice of the
pontiff, and assured the world that the pontificate which he had
wickedly attained, he would as impiously fill; for he had sent those
whom he had advanced to the highest order of prelacy, in the company
of traitors and parricides, to commit the most horrid treachery in the
church in the midst of divine service and during the celebration of the
holy sacrament, and that then, having failed to murder the citizens,
change the government, and plunder the city, according to his intention,
he had suspended the performance of all religious offices, and
injuriously menaced and injured the republic with pontifical
maledictions. But if God was just, and violence was offensive to him, he
would be displeased with that of his viceregent, and allow his injured
people who were not admitted to communion with the latter, to offer
up their prayers to himself. The Florentines, therefore, instead of
receiving or obeying the interdict, compelled the priests to perform
divine service, assembled a council in Florence of all the Tuscan
prelates under their jurisdiction, and appealed against the injuries
suffered from the pontiff to a future general council.

The pope did not neglect to assign reasons in his own justification, and
maintained it was the duty of a pontiff to suppress tyranny, depress
the wicked, and exalt the good; and that this ought to be done by
every available means; but that secular princes had no right to detain
cardinals, hang bishops, murder, mangle, and drag about the bodies of
priests, destroying without distinction the innocent with the guilty.

Notwithstanding these complaints and accusations, the Florentines
restored to the pope the cardinal whom they had detained, in return for
which he immediately assailed them with his own forces and those of
the king. The two armies, under the command of Alfonso, eldest son of
Ferrando, and duke of Calabria, who had as his general, Federigo, count
of Urbino, entered the Chianti, by permission of the Siennese, who sided
with the enemy, occupied Radda with many other fortresses, and having
plundered the country, besieged the Castellina. The Florentines were
greatly alarmed at these attacks, being almost destitute of forces, and
finding their friends slow to assist; for though the duke sent them aid,
the Venetians denied all obligation to support the Florentines in their
private quarrels, since the animosities of individuals were not to be
defended at the public expense. The Florentines, in order to induce the
Venetians to take a more correct view of the case, sent Tommaso Soderini
as their ambassador to the senate, and, in the meantime, engaged forces,
and appointed Ercole, marquis of Ferrara, to the command of their army.
While these preparations were being made, the Castellina was so hard
pressed by the enemy, that the inhabitants, despairing of relief,
surrendered, after having sustained a siege of forty-two days. The
enemy then directed their course toward Arezzo, and encamped before San
Savino. The Florentine army being now in order, went to meet them,
and having approached within three miles, caused such annoyance, that
Federigo d'Urbino demanded a truce for a few days, which was granted,
but proved so disadvantageous to the Florentines, that those who had
made the request were astonished at having obtained it; for, had it been
refused, they would have been compelled to retire in disgrace. Having
gained these few days to recruit themselves, as soon as they were
expired, they took the castle in the presence of their enemies. Winter
being now come, the forces of the pope and king retired for convenient
quarters to the Siennese territory. The Florentines also withdrew to
a more commodious situation, and the marquis of Ferrara, having done
little for himself and less for others, returned to his own territories.

At this time, Genoa withdrew from the dominion of Milan, under the
following circumstances. Galeazzo, at his death, left a son, Giovan
Galeazzo, who being too young to undertake the government, dissensions
arose between Sforza, Lodovico, Ottaviano, and Ascanio, his uncles, and
the lady Bona, his mother, each of whom desired the guardianship of the
young duke. By the advice and mediation of Tommaso Soderini, who
was then Florentine ambassador at the court of Milan, and of Cecco
Simonetta, who had been secretary to Galeazzo, the lady Bona prevailed.
The uncles fled, Ottaviano was drowned in crossing the Adda; the rest
were banished to various places, together with Roberto da San Severino,
who in these disputes had deserted the duchess and joined the uncles
of the duke. The troubles in Tuscany, which immediately followed,
gave these princes hope that the new state of things would present
opportunities for their advantage; they therefore quitted the places to
which their exile limited them, and each endeavored to return home. King
Ferrando, finding the Florentines had obtained assistance from none but
the Milanese, took occasion to give the duchess so much occupation
in her own government, as to render her unable to contribute to their
assistance. By means of Prospero Adorno, the Signor Roberto, and the
rebellious uncles of the duke, he caused Genoa to throw off the Milanese
yoke. The Castelletto was the only place left; confiding in which, the
duchess sent a strong force to recover the city, but it was routed by
the enemy; and perceiving the danger which might arise to her son and
herself if the war were continued, Tuscany being in confusion, and the
Florentines, in whom alone she had hope, themselves in trouble, she
determined, as she could not retain Genoa in subjection, to secure it
as an ally; and agreed with Battistino Fregoso, the enemy of Prospero
Adorno, to give him the Castelletto, and make him prince of Genoa, on
condition that he should expel Prospero, and do nothing in favor of her
son's uncles. Upon this agreement, Battistino, by the assistance of the
Castelletto and of his friends, became lord of Genoa; and according to
the custom of the city, took the title of Doge. The Sforzeschi and the
Signor Roberto, being thus expelled by the Genoese, came with their
forces into Lunigiana, and the pope and the king, perceiving the
troubles of Lombardy to be composed, took occasion with them to annoy
Tuscany in the Pisan territory, that the Florentines might be weakened
by dividing their forces. At the close of winter they ordered Roberto
da San Severino to leave Lunigiana and march thither, which he did, and
with great tumult plundered many fortresses, and overran the country
around Pisa.

At this time, ambassadors came to Florence from the emperor, the king of
France, and the king of Hungary, who were sent by their princes to the
pontiff. They solicited the Florentines also to send ambassadors to the
pope, and promised to use their utmost exertion to obtain for them an
advantageous peace. The Florentines did not refuse to make trial, both
for the sake of publicly justifying their proceedings, and because they
were really desirous of peace. Accordingly, the ambassadors were sent,
but returned without coming to any conclusion of their differences. The
Florentines, to avail themselves of the influence of the king of France,
since they were attacked by one part of the Italians and abandoned
by the other, sent to him as their ambassador, Donato Acciajuoli, a
distinguished Latin and Greek scholar, whose ancestors had always ranked
high in the city, but while on his journey he died at Milan. To relieve
his surviving family and pay a deserved tribute to his memory, he was
honorably buried at the public expense, provision was made for his sons,
and suitable marriage portions given to his daughters, and Guid' Antonio
Vespucci, a man well acquainted with pontifical and imperial affairs,
was sent as ambassador to the king in his stead.

The attack of Signor Roberto upon the Pisan territory, being unexpected,
greatly perplexed the Florentines; for having to resist the foe in the
direction of Sienna, they knew not how to provide for the places about
Pisa. To keep the Lucchese faithful, and prevent them from furnishing
the enemy either with money or provisions, they sent as ambassador Piero
di Gino Capponi, who was received with so much jealousy, on account of
the hatred which that city always cherishes against the Florentines
from former injuries and constant fear, that he was on many occasions in
danger of being put to death by the mob; and thus his mission gave fresh
cause of animosity rather than of union. The Florentines recalled the
marquis of Ferrara, and engaged the marquis of Mantua; they also as
earnestly requested the Venetians to send them Count Carlo, son of
Braccio, and Deifobo, son of Count Jacopo, and after many delays, they
complied; for having made a truce with the Turks, they had no excuse
to justify a refusal, and could not break through the obligation of the
League without the utmost disgrace. The counts, Carlo and Deifobo, came
with a good force, and being joined by all that could be spared from
the army, which, under the marquis of Ferrara, held in check the duke
of Calabria, proceeded toward Pisa, to meet Signor Roberto, who was with
his troops near the river Serchio, and who, though he had expressed his
intention of awaiting their arrival, withdrew to the camp at Lunigiana,
which he had quitted upon coming into the Pisan territory, while Count
Carlo recovered all the places that had been taken by the enemy in that
district.

The Florentines, being thus relieved from the attack in the direction of
Pisa, assembled the whole force between Colle and Santo Geminiano. But
the army, on the arrival of Count Carlo, being composed of Sforzeschi
and Bracceschi, their hereditary feuds soon broke forth, and it was
thought that if they remained long in company, they would turn their
arms against each other. It was therefore determined, as the smaller
evil, to divide them; to send one party, under Count Carlo, into the
district of Perugia, and establish the other at Poggibonzi, where
they formed a strong encampment in order to prevent the enemy from
penetrating the Florentine territory. By this they also hoped to compel
the enemy to divide their forces; for Count Carlo was understood to have
many partisans in Perugia, and it was therefore expected, either that
he would occupy the place, or that the pope would be compelled to send
a large body of men for its defense. To reduce the pontiff to greater
necessity, they ordered Niccolo Vitelli, who had been expelled from
Citta di Castello, where his enemy Lorenzo Vitelli commanded, to lead a
force against that place, with the view of driving out his adversary
and withdrawing it from obedience to the pope. At the beginning of the
campaign, fortune seemed to favor the Florentines; for Count Carlo made
rapid advances in the Perugino, and Niccolo Vitelli, though unable to
enter Castello, was superior in the field, and plundered the surrounding
country without opposition. The forces also, at Poggibonzi, constantly
overran the country up to the walls of Sienna. These hopes, however,
were not realized; for in the first place, Count Carlo died, while in
the fullest tide of success; though the consequences of this would have
been less detrimental to the Florentines, had not the victory to which
it gave occasion, been nullified by the misconduct of others. The death
of the count being known, the forces of the church, which had already
assembled in Perugia, conceived hopes of overcoming the Florentines, and
encamped upon the lake, within three miles of the enemy. On the other
side, Jacopo Guicciardini, commissary to the army, by the advice
of Roberto da Rimino, who, after the death of Count Carlo, was the
principal commander, knowing the ground of their sanguine expectations,
determined to meet them, and coming to an engagement near the lake,
upon the site of the memorable rout of the Romans, by Hannibal, the
Carthaginian general, the papal forces were vanquished. The news of the
victory, which did great honor to the commanders, diffused universal
joy at Florence, and would have ensured a favorable termination of the
campaign, had not the disorders which arose in the army at Poggibonzi
thrown all into confusion; for the advantage obtained by the valor of
the one, was more than counterbalanced by the disgraceful proceedings
of the other. Having made considerable booty in the Siennese territory,
quarrels arose about the division of it between the marquis of Mantua
and the marquis of Ferrara, who, coming to arms, assailed each other
with the utmost fury; and the Florentines seeing they could no longer
avail themselves of the services of both, allowed the marquis of Ferrara
and his men to return home.



CHAPTER IV

The duke of Calabria routs the Florentine army at Poggibonzi--Dismay in
Florence on account of the defeat--Progress of the duke of Calabria--The
Florentines wish for peace--Lorenzo de' Medici determines to go to
Naples to treat with the king--Lodovico Sforza, surnamed the Moor, and
his brothers, recalled to Milan--Changes in the government of that city
in consequence--The Genoese take Serezana--Lorenzo de' Medici arrives
at Naples--Peace concluded with the king--The pope and the Venetians
consent to the peace--The Florentines in fear of the duke of
Calabria--Enterprises of the Turks--They take Otranto--The Florentines
reconciled with the pope--Their ambassadors at the papal court--The
pope's reply to the ambassadors--The king of Naples restores to the
Florentines all the fortresses he had taken.

The army being thus reduced, without a leader, and disorder prevailing
in every department, the duke of Calabria, who was with his forces near
Sienna, resolved to attack them immediately. The Florentines, finding
the enemy at hand, were seized with a sudden panic; neither their arms,
nor their numbers, in which they were superior to their adversaries,
nor their position, which was one of great strength, could give them
confidence; but observing the dust occasioned by the enemy's approach,
without waiting for a sight of them, they fled in all directions,
leaving their ammunition, carriages, and artillery to be taken by the
foe. Such cowardice and disorder prevailed in the armies of those times,
that the turning of a horse's head or tail was sufficient to decide the
fate of an expedition. This defeat loaded the king's troops with booty,
and filled the Florentines with dismay; for the city, besides the war,
was afflicted with pestilence, which prevailed so extensively, that all
who possessed villas fled to them to escape death. This occasioned the
defeat to be attended with greater horror; for those citizens whose
possessions lay in the Val di Pesa and the Val d'Elsa, having retired to
them, hastened to Florence with all speed as soon as they heard of the
disaster, taking with them not only their children and their property,
but even their laborers; so that it seemed as if the enemy were expected
every moment in the city. Those who were appointed to the management
of the war, perceiving the universal consternation, commanded the
victorious forces in the Perugino to give up their enterprise in that
direction, and march to oppose the enemy in the Val d'Elsa, who, after
their victory, plundered the country without opposition; and although
the Florentine army had so closely pressed the city of Perugia that
it was expected to fall into their hands every instant, the people
preferred defending their own possessions to endeavoring to seize those
of others. The troops, thus withdrawn from the pursuit of their good
fortune, were marched to San Casciano, a castle within eight miles of
Florence; the leaders thinking they could take up no other position till
the relics of the routed army were assembled. On the other hand, the
enemy being under no further restraint at Perugia, and emboldened by
the departure of the Florentines, plundered to a large amount in the
districts of Arezzo and Cortona; while those who under Alfonso, duke
of Calabria, had been victorious near Poggibonzi, took the town itself;
sacked Vico and Certaldo, and after these conquests and pillagings
encamped before the fortress of Colle, which was considered very strong;
and as the garrison was brave and faithful to the Florentines, it was
hoped they would hold the enemy at bay till the republic was able to
collect its forces. The Florentines being at Santo Casciano, and the
enemy continuing to use their utmost exertions against Colle, they
determined to draw nearer, that the inhabitants might be more resolute
in their defense, and the enemy assail them less boldly. With this
design they removed their camp from Santo Casciano to Santo Geminiano,
about five miles from Colle, and with light cavalry and other suitable
forces were able every day to annoy the duke's camp. All this, however,
was insufficient to relieve the people of Colle; for, having consumed
their provisions, they were compelled to surrender on the thirteenth of
November, to the great grief of the Florentines, and joy of the enemy,
more especially of the Siennese, who, besides their habitual hatred of
the Florentines, had a particular animosity against the people of Colle.

It was now the depth of winter, and the weather so unsuitable for war,
that the pope and the king, either designing to hold out a hope of
peace, or more quietly to enjoy the fruit of their victories, proposed a
truce for three months to the Florentines, and allowed them ten days to
consider the reply. The offer was eagerly accepted; but as wounds are
well known to be more painful after the blood cools than when they
were first received, this brief repose awakened the Florentines to a
consciousness of the miseries they had endured; and the citizens openly
laid the blame upon each other, pointing out the errors committed in the
management of the war, the expenses uselessly incurred, and the taxes
unjustly imposed. These matters were boldly discussed, not only in
private circles, but in the public councils; and one individual even
ventured to turn to Lorenzo de' Medici, and say, "The city is exhausted,
and can endure no more war; it is therefore necessary to think of
peace." Lorenzo was himself aware of the necessity, and assembled the
friends in whose wisdom and fidelity he had the greatest confidence,
when it was at once concluded, that as the Venetians were lukewarm and
unfaithful, and the duke in the power of his guardians, and involved
in domestic difficulties, it would be desirable by some new alliance to
give a better turn to their affairs. They were in doubt whether to apply
to the king or to the pope; but having examined the question in all
sides, they preferred the friendship of the king as more suitable and
secure; for the short reigns of the pontiffs, the changes ensuing upon
each succession, the disregard shown by their church toward temporal
princes, and the still greater want of respect for them exhibited in
her determinations, render it impossible for a secular prince to trust
a pontiff, or safely to share his fortune; for an adherent of the pope
will have a companion in victory, but in defeat must stand alone, while
the pontiff is sustained by his spiritual power and influence. Having
therefore decided that the king's friendship would be of the greatest
utility to them, they thought it would be most easily and certainly
obtained by Lorenzo's presence; for in proportion to the confidence they
evinced toward him, the greater they imagined would be the probability
of removing his impressions of past enmities. Lorenzo having resolved to
go to Naples, recommended the city and government to the care of Tommaso
Soderini, who was at that time Gonfalonier of Justice. He left Florence
at the beginning of December, and having arrived at Pisa, wrote to
the government to acquaint them with the cause of his departure. The
Signory, to do him honor, and enable him the more effectually to treat
with the king, appointed him ambassador from the Florentine people, and
endowed him with full authority to make such arrangements as he thought
most useful for the republic.

At this time Roberto da San Severino, with Lodovico and Ascanio (Sforza
their elder brother being dead) again attacked Milan, in order to
recover the government. Having taken Tortona, and the city and the
whole state being in arms, the duchess Bona was advised to restore the
Sforzeschi, and to put a stop to civil contentions by admitting them to
the government. The person who gave this advice was Antonio Tassino, of
Ferrara, a man of low origin, who, coming to Milan, fell into the hands
of the duke Galeazzo, and was given by him to his duchess for her valet.
He, either from his personal attractions, or some secret influence,
after the duke's death attained such influence over the duchess, that
he governed the state almost at his will. This greatly displeased
the minister Cecco, whom prudence and long experience had rendered
invaluable; and who, to the utmost of his power, endeavored to diminish
the authority of Tassino with the duchess and other members of the
government. The latter, aware of this, to avenge himself for the injury,
and secure defenders against Cecco, advised the duchess to recall the
Sforzeschi, which she did, without communicating her design to the
minister, who, when it was done, said to her, "You have taken a step
which will deprive me of my life, and you of the government." This
shortly afterward took place; for Cecco was put to death by Lodovico,
and Tassino, being expelled from the dukedom, the duchess was so enraged
that she left Milan, and gave up the care of her son to Lodovico, who,
becoming sole governor of the dukedom, caused, as will be hereafter
seen, the ruin of Italy.

Lorenzo de' Medici had set out for Naples, and the truce between the
parties was in force, when, quite unexpectedly, Lodovico Fregoso, being
in correspondence with some persons of Serezana, entered the place by
stealth, took possession of it with an armed force, and imprisoned the
Florentine governor. This greatly offended the Signory, for they thought
the whole had been concerted with the connivance of King Ferrando. They
complained to the duke of Calabria, who was with the army at Sienna,
of a breach of the truce; and he endeavored to prove, by letters and
embassies, that it had occurred without either his own or his father's
knowledge. The Florentines, however, found themselves in a very awkward
predicament, being destitute of money, the head of the republic in the
power of the king, themselves engaged in a long-standing war with the
latter and the pope, in a new one with the Genoese, and entirely without
friends; for they had no confidence in the Venetians, and on account
of its changeable and unsettled state they were rather apprehensive of
Milan. They had thus only one hope, and that depended upon Lorenzo's
success with the king.

Lorenzo arrived at Naples by sea, and was most honorably received, not
only by Ferrando, but by the whole city, his coming having excited the
greatest expectation; for it being generally understood that the war was
undertaken for the sole purpose of effecting his destruction, the power
of his enemies invested his name with additional lustre. Being admitted
to the king's presence, he spoke with so much propriety upon the affairs
of Italy, the disposition of her princes and people, his hopes
from peace, his fears of the results of war, that Ferrando was more
astonished at the greatness of his mind, the promptitude of his genius,
his gravity and wisdom, than he had previously been at his power.
He consequently treated him with redoubled honor, and began to feel
compelled rather to part with him as a friend, than detain him as an
enemy. However, under various pretexts he kept Lorenzo from December
till March, not only to gain the most perfect knowledge of his own
views, but of those of his city; for he was not without enemies, who
would have wished the king to detain and treat him in the same manner as
Jacopo Piccinino; and, with the ostensible view of sympathizing for him,
pointed out all that would, or rather that they wished should, result
from such a course; at the same time opposing in the council every
proposition at all likely to favor him. By such means as these the
opinion gained ground, that if he were detained at Naples much longer,
the government of Florence would be changed. This caused the king to
postpone their separation more than he would have otherwise done, to
see if any disturbance were likely to arise. But finding everything go
quietly on, Ferrando allowed him to depart on the sixth of March, 1479,
having, with every kind of attention and token of regard, endeavored to
gain his affection, and formed with him a perpetual alliance for their
mutual defense. Lorenzo returned to Florence, and upon presenting
himself before the citizens, the impressions he had created in the
popular mind surrounded him with a halo of majesty brighter than before.
He was received with all the joy merited by his extraordinary qualities
and recent services, in having exposed his own life to the most imminent
peril, in order to restore peace to his country. Two days after his
return, the treaty between the republic of Florence and the king, by
which each party bound itself to defend the other's territories, was
published. The places taken from the Florentines during the war were
to be taken up at the discretion of the king; the Pazzi confined in the
tower of Volterra were to be set at liberty, and a certain sum of money,
for a limited period, was to be paid to the duke of Calabria.

As soon as this peace was publicly known, the pope and the Venetians
were transported with rage; the pope thought himself neglected by
the king; the Venetians entertained similar ideas with regard to the
Florentines, and complained that, having been companions in the war,
they were not allowed to participate in the peace. Reports of this
description being spread abroad, and received with entire credence at
Florence, caused a general fear that the peace thus made would give rise
to greater wars; and therefore the leading members of the government
determined to confine the consideration of the most important affairs to
a smaller number, and formed a council of seventy citizens, in whom the
principal authority was invested. This new regulation calmed the minds
of those desirous of change, by convincing them of the futility of their
efforts. To establish their authority, they in the first place ratified
the treaty of peace with the king, and sent as ambassadors to the pope
Antonio Ridolfi and Piero Nasi. But, notwithstanding the peace, Alfonso,
duke of Calabria, still remained at Sienna with his forces, pretending
to be detained by discords among the citizens, which, he said, had risen
so high, that while he resided outside the city they had compelled
him to enter and assume the office of arbitrator between them. He took
occasion to draw large sums of money from the wealthiest citizens by way
of fines, imprisoned many, banished others, and put some to death; he
thus became suspected, not only by the Siennese but by the Florentines,
of a design to usurp the sovereignty of Sienna; nor was any remedy then
available, for the republic had formed a new alliance with the king,
and were at enmity with the pope and the Venetians. This suspicion was
entertained not only by the great body of the Florentine people, who
were subtle interpreters of appearances, but by the principal members of
the government; and it was agreed, on all hands, that the city never
was in so much danger of losing her liberty. But God, who in similar
extremities has always been her preserver, caused an unhoped-for event
to take place, which gave the pope, the king, and the Venetians other
matters to think of than those in Tuscany.

The Turkish emperor, Mahomet II. had gone with a large army to the siege
of Rhodes, and continued it for several months; but though his forces
were numerous, and his courage indomitable, he found them more than
equalled by those of the besieged, who resisted his attack with such
obstinate valor, that he was at last compelled to retire in disgrace.
Having left Rhodes, part of his army, under the Pasha Achmet, approached
Velona, and, either from observing the facility of the enterprise, or
in obedience to his sovereign's commands, coasting along the Italian
shores, he suddenly landed four thousand soldiers, and attacked the city
of Otranto, which he easily took, plundered, and put all the inhabitants
to the sword. He then fortified the city and port, and having assembled
a large body of cavalry, pillaged the surrounding country. The king,
learning this, and aware of the redoubtable character of his assailant,
immediately sent messengers to all the surrounding powers, to request
assistance against the common enemy, and ordered the immediate return of
the duke of Calabria with the forces at Sienna.

This attack, however it might annoy the duke and the rest of Italy,
occasioned the utmost joy at Florence and Sienna; the latter thinking it
had recovered its liberty, and the former that she had escaped a storm
which threatened her with destruction. These impressions, which were not
unknown to the duke, increased the regret he felt at his departure
from Sienna; and he accused fortune of having, by an unexpected and
unaccountable accident, deprived him of the sovereignty of Tuscany. The
same circumstance changed the disposition of the pope; for although he
had previously refused to receive any ambassador from Florence, he was
now so mollified as to be anxious to listen to any overtures of peace;
and it was intimated to the Florentines, that if they would condescend
to ask the pope's pardon, they would be sure of obtaining it. Thinking
it advisable to seize the opportunity, they sent twelve ambassadors
to the pontiff, who, on their arrival, detained them under different
pretexts before he would admit them to an audience. However, terms were
at length settled, and what should be contributed by each in peace or
war. The messengers were then admitted to the feet of the pontiff, who,
with the utmost pomp, received them in the midst of his cardinals. They
apologized for past occurrences; first showing they had been compelled
by necessity, then blaming the malignity of others, or the rage of the
populace, and their just indignation, and enlarging on the unfortunate
condition of those who are compelled either to fight or die; saying,
that since every extremity is endured in order to avoid death, they had
suffered war, interdicts, and other inconveniences, brought upon them
by recent events, that their republic might escape slavery, which is
the death of free cities. However, if in their necessities they had
committed any offense, they were desirous to make atonement, and trusted
in his clemency, who, after the example of the blessed Redeemer, would
receive them into his compassionate arms.

The pope's reply was indignant and haughty. After reiterating all the
offenses against the church during the late transactions, he said that,
to comply with the precepts of God, he would grant the pardon they
asked, but would have them understand, that it was their duty to obey;
and that upon the next instance of their disobedience, they would
inevitably forfeit, and that most deservedly, the liberty which they had
just been upon the point of losing; for those merit freedom who exercise
themselves in good works and avoid evil; that liberty, improperly used,
injures itself and others; that to think little of God, and less of his
church, is not the part of a free man, but a fool, and one disposed to
evil rather than good, and to effect whose correction is the duty not
only of princes but of every Christian; so that in respect of the recent
events, they had only themselves to blame, who, by their evil deeds, had
given rise to the war, and inflamed it by still worse actions, it having
been terminated by the kindness of others rather than by any merit of
their own. The formula of agreement and benediction was then read; and,
in addition to what had already been considered and agreed upon between
the parties, the pope said, that if the Florentines wished to enjoy the
fruit of his forgiveness, they must maintain fifteen galleys, armed,
and equipped, at their own expense, as long as the Turks should make
war upon the kingdom of Naples. The ambassadors complained much of this
burden in addition to the arrangement already made, but were unable to
obtain any alleviation. However, after their return to Florence, the
Signory sent, as ambassador to the pope, Guidantonio Vespucci, who
had recently returned from France, and who by his prudence brought
everything to an amicable conclusion, obtained many favors from the
pontiff, which were considered as presages of a closer reconciliation.

Having settled their affairs with the pope, Sienna being free,
themselves released from the fear of the king, by the departure of
the duke of Calabria from Tuscany, and the war with the Turks
still continuing, the Florentines pressed the king to restore their
fortresses, which the duke of Calabria, upon quitting the country, had
left in the hands of the Siennese. Ferrando, apprehensive that if he
refused, they would withdraw from the alliance with him, and by new wars
with the Siennese deprive him of the assistance he hoped to obtain from
the pope and other Italian powers, consented that they should be given
up, and by new favors endeavored to attach the Florentines to his
interests. It is thus evident, that force and necessity, not deeds and
obligations, induce princes to keep faith.

The castles being restored, and this new alliance established, Lorenzo
de' Medici recovered the reputation which first the war and then the
peace, when the king's designs were doubtful, had deprived him of; for
at this period there was no lack of those who openly slandered him with
having sold his country to save himself, and said, that in war they had
lost their territories, and in peace their liberty. But the fortresses
being recovered, an honorable treaty ratified with the king, and the
city restored to her former influence, the spirit of public discourse
entirely changed in Florence, a place greatly addicted to gossip, and in
which actions are judged by the success attending them, rather than by
the intelligence employed in their direction; therefore, the citizens
praised Lorenzo extravagantly, declaring that by his prudence he had
recovered in peace, what unfavorable circumstances had taken from them
in war, and that by his discretion and judgment he had done more than
the enemy with all the force of their arms.



CHAPTER V

New occasions of war in Italy--Differences between the marquis of
Ferrara, and the Venetians--The king of Naples and the Florentines
attack the papal states--The pope's defensive arrangements--The
Neapolitan army routed by the papal forces--Progress of the Venetians
against the marquis of Ferrara--The pope makes peace, and enters into
a league against the Venetians--Operations of the League against the
Venetians--The Venetians routed at Bondeno--Their losses--Disunion among
the League--Lodovico Sforza makes peace with the Venetians--Ratified by
the other parties.

The invasion of the Turks had deferred the war which was about to break
forth from the anger of the pope and the Venetians at the peace between
the Florentines and the king. But as the beginning of that invasion was
unexpected and beneficial, its conclusion was equally unlooked for and
injurious; for Mahomet dying suddenly, dissensions arose among his sons,
and the forces which were in Puglia being abandoned by their commander,
surrendered Otranto to the king. The fears which restrained the pope and
the Venetians being thus removed, everyone became apprehensive of new
troubles. On the one hand, was the league of the pope and the Venetians,
and with them the Genoese, Siennese, and other minor powers; on the
other, the Florentines, the king, and the duke, with whom were the
Bolognese and many princes. The Venetians wished to become lords of
Ferrara, and thought they were justified by circumstances in making
the attempt, and hoping for a favorable result. Their differences arose
thus: the marquis of Ferrara affirmed he was under no obligation to
take salt from the Venetians, or to admit their governor; the terms of
convention between them declaring, that after seventy years, the city
was to be free from both impositions. The Venetians replied, that so
long as he held the Polesine, he was bound to receive their salt
and their governor. The marquis refusing his consent, the Venetians
considered themselves justified in taking arms, and that the present
moment offered a suitable opportunity; for the pope was indignant
against the Florentines and the king; and to attach the pope still
further, the Count Girolamo, who was then at Venice, was received with
all possible respect; first admitted to the privileges of a citizen,
and then raised to the rank of a senator, the highest distinctions the
Venetian senate can confer. To prepare for the war, they levied new
taxes, and appointed to the command of the forces, Roberto da San
Severino, who being offended with Lodovico, governor of Milan, fled to
Tortona, whence, after occasioning some disturbances, he went to Genoa,
and while there, was sent for by the Venetians, and placed at the head
of their troops.

These circumstances becoming known to the opposite league, induced it
also to provide for war. The duke of Milan appointed as his general,
Federigo d'Urbino; the Florentines engaged Costanzo, lord of Pesaro;
and to sound the disposition of the pope, and know whether the Venetians
made war against Ferrara with his consent or not, King Ferrando sent
Alfonso, duke of Calabria, with his army across the Tronto, and asked
the pontiff's permission to pass into Lombardy to assist the marquis,
which was refused in the most peremptory manner. The Florentines and
the king, no longer doubtful about the pope's intentions, determined to
harass him, and thus either compel him to take part with them, or
throw such obstacles in his way, as would prevent him from helping
the Venetians, who had already taken the field, attacked the marquis,
overran his territory, and encamped before Figaruolo, a fortress of the
greatest importance. In pursuance of the design of the Florentines and
the king, the duke of Calabria, by the assistance of the Colonna family
(the Orsini had joined the pope), plundered the country about Rome
and committed great devastation; while the Florentines, with Niccolo
Vitelli, besieged and took Citta di Castello, expelling Lorenzo Vitelli,
who held it for the pope, and placing Niccolo in it as prince.

The pope now found himself in very great straits; for the city of Rome
was disturbed by factions and the country covered with enemies. But
acting with courage and resolution, he appointed Roberto da Rimino to
take the command of his forces; and having sent for him to Rome, where
his troops were assembled, told him how great would be the honor, if
he could deliver the church from the king's forces, and the troubles in
which it was involved; how greatly indebted, not only himself, but all
his successors would be, and, that not mankind merely, but God himself
would be under obligations to him. The magnificent Roberto, having
considered the forces and preparations already made, advised the pope to
raise as numerous a body of infantry as possible, which was done without
delay. The duke of Calabria was at hand, and constantly harassed the
country up to the very gates of Rome, which so roused the indignation
of the citizens, that many offered their assistance to Roberto, and
all were thankfully received. The duke, hearing of these preparations,
withdrew a short distance from the city, that in the belief of finding
him gone, the magnificent Roberto would not pursue him, and also in
expectation of his brother Federigo, whom their father had sent to him
with additional forces. But Roberto, finding himself nearly equal to the
duke in cavalry, and superior in infantry, marched boldly out of Rome
and took a position within two miles of the enemy. The duke, seeing his
adversaries close upon him, found he must either fight or disgracefully
retire. To avoid a retreat unbecoming a king's son, he resolved to face
the enemy; and a battle ensued which continued from morning till midday.
In this engagement, greater valor was exhibited on both sides than
had been shown in any other during the last fifty years, upward of a
thousand dead being left upon the field. The troops of the church were
at length victorious, for her numerous infantry so annoyed the ducal
cavalry, that they were compelled to retreat, and Alfonso himself would
have fallen into the hands of the enemy, had he not been rescued by a
body of Turks, who remained at Otranto, and were at that time in his
service. The lord of Rimino, after this victory, returned triumphantly
to Rome, but did not long enjoy the fruit of his valor; for having,
during the heat of the engagement, taken a copious draught of water,
he was seized with a flux, of which he very shortly afterward died. The
pope caused his funeral to be conducted with great pomp, and in a few
days, sent the Count Girolamo toward Citta di Castello to restore it
to Lorenzo, and also endeavor to gain Rimino, which being by Roberto's
death left to the care of his widow and a son who was quite a boy, his
holiness thought might be easily won; and this certainly would have
been the case, if the lady had not been defended by the Florentines,
who opposed him so effectually, as to prevent his success against both
Castello and Rimino.

While these things were in progress at Rome and in Romagna, the
Venetians took possession of Figaruolo and crossed the Po with their
forces. The camp of the duke of Milan and the marquis was in disorder;
for the count of Urbino having fallen ill, was carried to Bologna for
his recovery, but died. Thus the marquis's affairs were unfortunately
situated, while those of the Venetians gave them increasing hopes of
occupying Ferrara. The Florentines and the king of Naples used their
utmost endeavors to gain the pope to their views; and not having
succeeded by force, they threatened him with the council, which had
already been summoned by the emperor to assemble at Basle; and by
means of the imperial ambassadors, and the co-operation of the leading
cardinals, who were desirous of peace, the pope was compelled to turn
his attention toward effecting the pacification of Italy. With this
view, at the instigation of his fears, and with the conviction that the
aggrandizement of the Venetians would be the ruin of the church and of
Italy, he endeavored to make peace with the League, and sent his nuncios
to Naples, where a treaty was concluded for five years, between the
pope, the king, the duke of Milan, and the Florentines, with an opening
for the Venetians to join them if they thought proper. When this was
accomplished, the pope intimated to the Venetians, that they must desist
from war against Ferrara. They refused to comply, and made preparations
to prosecute their design with greater vigor than they had hitherto
done; and having routed the forces of the duke and the marquis at
Argenta, they approached Ferrara so closely as to pitch their tents in
the marquis's park.

The League found they must no longer delay rendering him efficient
assistance, and ordered the duke of Calabria to march to Ferrara with
his forces and those of the pope, the Florentine troops also moving in
the same direction. In order to direct the operations of the war with
greater efficiency, the League assembled a diet at Cremona, which was
attended by the pope's legate, the Count Girolamo, the duke of Calabria,
the Signor Lodovico Sforza, and Lorenzo de' Medici, with many other
Italian princes; and when the measures to be adopted were fully
discussed, having decided that the best way of relieving Ferrara would
be to effect a division of the enemy's forces, the League desired
Lodovico to attack the Venetians on the side of Milan, but this he
declined, for fear of bringing a war upon the duke's territories, which
it would be difficult to quell. It was therefore resolved to proceed
with the united forces of the League to Ferrara, and having assembled
four thousand cavalry and eight thousand infantry, they went in pursuit
of the Venetians, whose force amounted to two thousand two hundred
men at arms, and six thousand foot. They first attacked the Venetian
flotilla, then lying upon the river Po, which they routed with the loss
of above two hundred vessels, and took prisoner Antonio Justiniano, the
purveyor of the fleet. The Venetians, finding all Italy united against
them, endeavored to support their reputation by engaging in their
service the duke of Lorraine, who joined them with two hundred men at
arms: and having suffered so great a destruction of their fleet, they
sent him, with part of their army, to keep their enemies at bay, and
Roberto da San Severino to cross the Adda with the remainder, and
proceed to Milan, where they were to raise the cry of "The duke and the
Lady Bona," his mother; hoping by this means to give a new aspect to
affairs there, believing that Lodovico and his government were generally
unpopular. This attack at first created great consternation, and roused
the citizens in arms; but eventually produced consequences unfavorable
to the designs of the Venetians; for Lodovico was now desirous to
undertake what he had refused to do at the entreaty of his allies.
Leaving the marquis of Ferrara to the defense of his own territories,
he, with four thousand horse and two thousand foot, and joined by the
duke of Calabria with twelve thousand horse and five thousand foot,
entered the territory of Bergamo, then Brescia, next that of Verona,
and, in defiance of the Venetians, plundered the whole country; for it
was with the greatest difficulty that Roberto and his forces could
save the cities themselves. In the meantime, the marquis of Ferrara had
recovered a great part of his territories; for the duke of Lorraine, by
whom he was attacked, having only at his command two thousand horse and
one thousand foot, could not withstand him. Hence, during the whole of
1483, the affairs of the League were prosperous.

The winter having passed quietly over, the armies again took the field.
To produce the greater impression upon the enemy, the League united
their whole force, and would easily have deprived the Venetians of all
they possessed in Lombardy, if the war had been conducted in the same
manner as during the preceding year; for by the departure of the duke
of Lorraine, whose term of service had expired, they were reduced to
six thousand horse and five thousand foot, while the allies had thirteen
thousand horse and five thousand foot at their disposal. But, as is
often the case where several of equal authority are joined in command,
their want of unity decided the victory to their enemies. Federigo,
marquis of Mantua, whose influence kept the duke of Calabria and
Lodovico Sforza within bounds, being dead, differences arose between
them which soon became jealousies. Giovan Galeazzo, duke of Milan, was
now of an age to take the government on himself, and had married the
daughter of the duke of Calabria, who wished his son-in-law to exercise
the government and not Lodovico; the latter, being aware of the duke's
design, studied to prevent him from effecting it. The position of
Lodovico being known to the Venetians, they thought they could make it
available for their own interests; and hoped, as they had often before
done, to recover in peace all they had lost by war; and having secretly
entered into treaty with Lodovico, the terms were concluded in August,
1484. When this became known to the rest of the allies, they were
greatly dissatisfied, principally because they found that the places won
from the Venetians were to be restored; that they were allowed to
keep Rovigo and the Polesine, which they had taken from the marquis of
Ferrara, and besides this retain all the pre-eminence and authority over
Ferrara itself which they had formerly possessed. Thus it was evident
to everyone, they had been engaged in a war which had cost vast sums of
money, during the progress of which they had acquired honor, and which
was concluded with disgrace; for the places wrested from the enemy were
restored without themselves recovering those they had lost. They
were, however, compelled to ratify the treaty, on account of the
unsatisfactory state of their finances, and because the faults and
ambition of others had rendered them unwilling to put their fortunes to
further proof.



CHAPTER VI

Affairs of the pope--He is reconciled to Niccolo Vitelli--Discords
between the Colonnesi and the Orsini--Various events--The war
of Serezana--Genoa occupied by her archbishop--Death of Sixtus
IV.--Innocent VIII. elected--Agostino Fregoso gives Serezana to the bank
of St. Giorgio--Account of the bank of St. Giorgio--War with the
Genoese for Serezana--Stratagem of the Florentines to attack Pietra
Santa--Difficulties and final surrender of Pietra Santa--The Lucchese
lay claim to Pietra Santa--The city of L'Aquila revolts against the king
of Naples--War between him and the pope--The Florentines take the king's
party--Peace between the pope and the king.

During these events in Lombardy, the pope sent Lorenzo to invest Citta
di Castello, for the purpose of expelling Niccolo Vitelli, the place
having been abandoned to him by the League, for the purpose of inducing
the pontiff to join them. During the siege, Niccolo's troops were
led out against the papal forces and routed them. Upon this the pope
recalled the Count Girolamo from Lombardy with orders first to recruit
his army at Rome, and then proceed against Citta di Castello. But
thinking afterward, that it would be better to obtain Niccolo Vitello
as his friend than to renew hostilities with him, an arrangement was
entered into by which the latter retained Citta di Castello, and the
pope pacified Lorenzo as well as he could. He was induced to both these
measures rather by his apprehension of fresh troubles than by his love
of peace, for he perceived dissensions arising between the Colonessi and
the Orsini.

In the war between the king of Naples and the pope, the former had
taken the district of Tagliacozzo from the Orsini, and given it to the
Colonnesi, who had espoused his cause. Upon the establishment of peace,
the Orsini demanded its restoration by virtue of the treaty. The pope
had frequently intimated to the Colonnesi that it ought to be restored;
but they, instead of complying with the entreaties of the Orsini, or
being influenced by the pope's threats, renewed hostilities against the
former. Upon this the pontiff, unable to endure their insolence, united
his own forces with those of the Orsini, plundered the houses they
possessed in Rome, slew or made prisoners all who defended them, and
seized most of their fortresses. So that when these troubles were
composed, it was rather by the complete subjugation of one party than
from any desire for peace in the other.

Nor were the affairs of Genoa or of Tuscany in repose, for the
Florentines kept the Count Antonio da Marciano on the borders of
Serezana; and while the war continued in Lombardy, annoyed the people
of Serezana by inroads and light skirmishes. Battistino Fregoso, doge of
Genoa, trusting to Pagolo Fregoso, the archbishop, was taken prisoner,
with his wife and children, by the latter, who assumed the sovereignty
of the city. The Venetian fleet had attacked the kingdom of Naples,
taken Gallipoli, and harassed the neighboring places. But upon the peace
of Lombardy, all tumults were hushed except those of Tuscany and Rome;
for the pope died in five days after its declaration, either in the
natural course of things, or because his grief for peace, to which he
was always opposed, occasioned his end.

Upon the decease of the pontiff, Rome was immediately in arms. The Count
Girolamo withdrew his forces into the castle; and the Orsini feared the
Colonnesi would avenge the injuries they had recently sustained. The
Colonnesi demanded the restitution of their houses and castles, so that
in a few days robberies, fires, and murders prevailed in several parts
of the city. The cardinals entreated the count to give the castle into
the hands of the college, withdraw his troops, and deliver Rome from
the fear of his forces, and he, by way of ingratiating himself with the
future pontiff obeyed, and retired to Imola. The cardinals, being thus
divested of their fears, and the barons hopeless of assistance in their
quarrels, proceeded to create a new pontiff, and after some discussion,
Giovanni Batista Cibo, a Genoese, cardinal of Malfetta, was elected, and
took the name of Innocent VIII. By the mildness of his disposition (for
he was peaceable and humane) he caused a cessation of hostilities, and
for the present restored peace to Rome.

The Florentines, after the pacification of Lombardy, could not remain
quiet; for it appeared disgraceful that a private gentleman should
deprive them of the fortress of Serezana; and as it was allowed by the
conditions of peace, not only to demand lost places, but to make war
upon any who should impede their restoration, they immediately provided
men and money to undertake its recovery. Upon this, Agostino Fregoso,
who had seized Serezana, being unable to defend it, gave the fortress to
the Bank of St. Giorgio. As we shall have frequent occasion to speak of
St. Giorgio and the Genoese, it will not be improper, since Genoa is
one of the principal cities of Italy, to give some account of the
regulations and usages prevailing there. When the Genoese had made peace
with the Venetians, after the great war, many years ago, the republic,
being unable to satisfy the claims of those who had advanced large sums
of money for its use, conceded to them the revenue of the Dogano or
customhouse, so that each creditor should participate in the receipts
in proportion to his claim, until the whole amount should be liquidated,
and as a suitable place for their assembling, the palace over the
Dogano was assigned for their use. These creditors established a form of
government among themselves, appointing a council of one hundred persons
for the direction of their affairs, and a committee of eight, who, as
the executive body, should carry into effect the determinations of the
council. Their credits were divided into shares, called _Luoghi_, and
they took the title of the Bank, or Company of St. Giorgio. Having thus
arranged their government, the city fell into fresh difficulties, and
applied to San Giorgio for assistance, which, being wealthy and well
managed, was able to afford the required aid. On the other hand, as the
city had at first conceded the customs, she next began to assign towns,
castles, or territories, as security for moneys received; and this
practice has proceeded to such a length, from the necessities of the
state, and the accommodation by the San Giorgio, that the latter now
has under its administration most of the towns and cities in the Genoese
dominion. These the Bank governs and protects, and every year sends its
deputies, appointed by vote, without any interference on the part of the
republic. Hence the affections of the citizens are transferred from the
government to the San Giorgio, on account of the tyranny of the
former, and the excellent regulations adopted by the latter. Hence also
originate the frequent changes of the republic, which is sometimes
under a citizen, and at other times governed by a stranger; for the
magistracy, and not the San Giorgio, changes the government. So when
the Fregosi and the Adorni were in opposition, as the government of the
republic was the prize for which they strove, the greater part of the
citizens withdrew and left it to the victor. The only interference of
the Bank of St. Giorgio is when one party has obtained a superiority
over the other, to bind the victor to the observance of its laws, which
up to this time have not been changed; for as it possesses arms, money,
and influence, they could not be altered without incurring the imminent
risk of a dangerous rebellion. This establishment presents an
instance of what in all the republics, either described or imagined
by philosophers, has never been thought of; exhibiting within the same
community, and among the same citizens, liberty and tyranny, integrity
and corruption, justice and injustice; for this establishment preserves
in the city many ancient and venerable customs; and should it happen (as
in time it easily may) that the San Giorgio should have possession of
the whole city, the republic will become more distinguished than that of
Venice.

Agostino Fregoso conceded Serezana to the San Giorgio, which readily
accepted it, undertook its defense, put a fleet to sea, and sent forces
to Pietra Santa to prevent all attempts of the Florentines, whose
camp was in the immediate vicinity. The Florentines found it would be
essentially necessary to gain possession of Pietra Santa, for without
it the acquisition of Serezana lost much of its value, being situated
between the latter place and Pisa; but they could not, consistently
with the treaty, besiege it, unless the people of Pietra Santa, or its
garrison, were to impede their acquisition of Serezana. To induce the
enemy to do this, the Florentines sent from Pisa to the camp a quantity
of provisions and military stores, accompanied by a very weak escort;
that the people of Pietra Santa might have little cause for fear, and by
the richness of the booty be tempted to the attack. The plan succeeded
according to their expectation; for the inhabitants of Pietra Santa,
attracted by the rich prize took possession of it.

This gave legitimate occasion to the Florentines to undertake operations
against them; so leaving Serezana they encamped before Pietra Santa,
which was very populous, and made a gallant defense. The Florentines
planted their artillery in the plain, and formed a rampart upon the
hill, that they might also attack the place on that side. Jacopo
Guicciardini was commissary of the army; and while the siege of Pietra
Santa was going on, the Genoese took and burned the fortress of Vada,
and, landing their forces, plundered the surrounding country. Biongianni
Gianfigliazzi was sent against them, with a body of horse and foot, and
checked their audacity, so that they pursued their depredations less
boldly. The fleet continuing its efforts went to Livorno, and by
pontoons and other means approached the new tower, playing their
artillery upon it for several days, but being unable to make any
impression they withdrew.

In the meantime the Florentines proceeded slowly against Pietra Santa,
and the enemy taking courage attacked and took their works upon the
hill. This was effected with so much glory, and struck such a panic into
the Florentines, that they were almost ready to raise the siege, and
actually retreated a distance of four miles; for their generals thought
that they would retire to winter quarters, it being now October, and
make no further attempt till the return of spring.

When the discomfiture was known at Florence, the government was filled
with indignation; and, to impart fresh vigor to the enterprise, and
restore the reputation of their forces, they immediately appointed
Antonio Pucci and Bernardo del Neri commissaries, who, with vast sums of
money, proceeded to the army, and intimated the heavy displeasure of the
Signory, and of the whole city, if they did not return to the walls; and
what a disgrace, if so large an army and so many generals, having only
a small garrison to contend with, could not conquer so poor and weak
a place. They explained the immediate and future advantages that would
result from the acquisition, and spoke so forcibly upon the subject,
that all became anxious to renew the attack. They resolved, in the first
place, to recover the rampart upon the hill; and here it was evident how
greatly humanity, affability, and condescension influence the minds of
soldiers; for Antonio Pucci, by encouraging one and promising another,
shaking hands with this man and embracing that, induced them to proceed
to the charge with such impetuosity, that they gained possession of
the rampart in an instant. However, the victory was not unattended by
misfortune, for Count Antonio da Marciano was killed by a cannon shot.
This success filled the townspeople with so much terror, that they began
to make proposals for capitulation; and to invest the surrender with
imposing solemnity, Lorenzo de' Medici came to the camp, when, after a
few days, the fortress was given up. It being now winter, the leaders of
the expedition thought it unadvisable to make any further effort until
the return of spring, more particularly because the autumnal air had
been so unhealthy that numbers were affected by it. Antonio Pucci and
Biongianni Gianfigliazzi were taken ill and died, to the great regret
of all, so greatly had Antonio's conduct at Pietra Santa endeared him to
the army.

Upon the taking of Pietra Santa, the Lucchese sent ambassadors to
Florence, to demand its surrender to their republic, on account of its
having previously belonged to them, and because, as they alleged, it was
in the conditions that places taken by either party were to be restored
to their original possessors. The Florentines did not deny the articles,
but replied that they did not know whether, by the treaty between
themselves and the Genoese, which was then under discussion, it would
have to be given up or not, and therefore could not reply to that point
at present; but in case of its restitution, it would first be necessary
for the Lucchese to reimburse them for the expenses they had incurred
and the injury they had suffered, in the death of so many citizens; and
that when this was satisfactorily arranged, they might entertain hopes
of obtaining the place.

The whole winter was consumed in negotiations between the Florentines
and Genoese, which, by the pope's intervention, were carried on at Rome;
but not being concluded upon the return of spring, the Florentines would
have attacked Serezana had they not been prevented by the illness of
Lorenzo de' Medici, and the war between the pope and King Ferrando; for
Lorenzo was afflicted not only by the gout, which seemed hereditary in
his family, but also by violent pains in the stomach, and was compelled
to go the baths for relief.

The more important reason was furnished by the war, of which this was
the origin. The city of L'Aquila, though subject to the kingdom of
Naples, was in a manner free; and the Count di Montorio possessed great
influence over it. The duke of Calabria was upon the banks of the Tronto
with his men-at-arms, under pretense of appeasing some disturbances
among the peasantry; but really with a design of reducing L'Aquila
entirely under the king's authority, and sent for the Count di Montorio,
as if to consult him upon the business he pretended then to have in
hand. The count obeyed without the least suspicion, and on his arrival
was made prisoner by the duke and sent to Naples. When this circumstance
became known at L'Aquila, the anger of the inhabitants arose to the
highest pitch; taking arms they killed Antonio Cencinello, commissary
for the king, and with him some inhabitants known partisans of his
majesty. The L'Aquilani, in order to have a defender in their rebellion,
raised the banner of the church, and sent envoys to the pope, to submit
their city and themselves to him, beseeching that he would defend them
as his own subjects against the tyranny of the king. The pontiff gladly
undertook their defense, for he had both public and private reasons for
hating that monarch; and Signor Roberto of San Severino, an enemy of the
duke of Milan, being disengaged, was appointed to take the command
of his forces, and sent for with all speed to Rome. He entreated
the friends and relatives of the Count di Montorio to withdraw their
allegiance from the king, and induced the princes of Altimura, Salerno,
and Bisignano to take arms against him. The king, finding himself so
suddenly involved in war, had recourse to the Florentines and the duke
of Milan for assistance. The Florentines hesitated with regard to their
own conduct, for they felt all the inconvenience of neglecting their own
affairs to attend to those of others, and hostilities against the church
seemed likely to involve much risk. However, being under the obligation
of a League, they preferred their honor to convenience or security,
engaged the Orsini, and sent all their own forces under the Count
di Pitigliano toward Rome, to the assistance of the king. The latter
divided his forces into two parts; one, under the duke of Calabria, he
sent toward Rome, which, being joined by the Florentines, opposed the
army of the church; with the other, under his own command, he attacked
the barons, and the war was prosecuted with various success on both
sides. At length, the king, being universally victorious, peace was
concluded by the intervention of the ambassadors of the king of Spain,
in August, 1486, to which the pope consented; for having found fortune
opposed to him he was not disposed to tempt it further. In this treaty
all the powers of Italy were united, except the Genoese, who were
omitted as rebels against the republic of Milan, and unjust occupiers of
territories belonging to the Florentines. Upon the peace being ratified,
Roberto da San Severino, having been during the war a treacherous ally
of the church, and by no means formidable to her enemies, left Rome;
being followed by the forces of the duke and the Florentines, after
passing Cesena, found them near him, and urging his flight reached
Ravenna with less than a hundred horse. Of his forces, part were
received into the duke's service, and part were plundered by the
peasantry. The king, being reconciled with his barons, put to death
Jacopo Coppola and Antonello d'Aversa and their sons, for having, during
the war, betrayed his secrets to the pope.



CHAPTER VII

The pope becomes attached to the Florentines--The Genoese
seize Serezanello--They are routed by the Florentines--Serezana
surrenders--Genoa submits to the duke of Milan--War between the
Venetians and the Dutch--Osimo revolts from the church--Count Girolamo
Riario, lord of Furli, slain by a conspiracy--Galeotto, lord of Faenza,
is murdered by the treachery of his wife--The government of the city
offered to the Florentines--Disturbances in Sienna--Death of Lorenzo
de' Medici--His eulogy--Establishment of his family--Estates bought by
Lorenzo--His anxiety for the defense of Florence--His taste for arts and
literature--The university of Pisa--The estimation of Lorenzo by other
princes.

The pope having observed in the course of the war, how promptly and
earnestly the Florentines adhered to their alliances, although he had
previously been opposed to them from his attachment to the Genoese,
and the assistance they had rendered to the king, now evinced a more
amicable disposition, and received their ambassadors with greater favor
than previously. Lorenzo de' Medici, being made acquainted with this
change of feeling, encouraged it with the utmost solicitude; for he
thought it would be of great advantage, if to the friendship of the king
he could add that of the pontiff. The pope had a son named Francesco,
upon whom designing to bestow states and attach friends who might be
useful to him after his own death, saw no safer connection in Italy
than Lorenzo's, and therefore induced the latter to give him one of his
daughters in marriage. Having formed this alliance, the pope desired the
Genoese to concede Serezana to the Florentines, insisting that they had
no right to detain what Agostino had sold, nor was Agostino justified
in making over to the Bank of San Giorgio what was not his own. However,
his holiness did not succeed with them; for the Genoese, during these
transactions at Rome, armed several vessels, and, unknown to the
Florentines, landed three thousand foot, attacked Serezanello, situated
above Serezana, plundered and burnt the town near it, and then,
directing their artillery against the fortress, fired upon it with their
utmost energy. This assault was new and unexpected by the Florentines,
who immediately assembled their forces under Virginio Orsino, at Pisa,
and complained to the pope, that while he was endeavoring to establish
peace, the Genoese had renewed their attack upon them. They then sent
Piero Corsini to Lucca, that by his presence he might keep the city
faithful; and Pagolantonio Soderini to Venice, to learn how that
republic was disposed. They demanded assistance of the king and of
Signor Lodovico, but obtained it from neither; for the king expressed
apprehensions of the Turkish fleet, and Lodovico made excuses, but sent
no aid. Thus the Florentines in their own wars are almost always
obliged to stand alone, and find no friends to assist them with the same
readiness they practice toward others. Nor did they, on this desertion
of their allies (it being nothing new to them) give way to despondency;
for having assembled a large army under Jacopo Guicciardini and Pietro
Vettori, they sent it against the enemy, who had encamped upon the
river Magra, at the same time pressing Serezanello with mines and every
species of attack. The commissaries being resolved to relieve the place,
an engagement ensued, when the Genoese were routed, and Lodovico dal
Fiesco, with several other principal men, made prisoners. The Serezanesi
were not so depressed at their defeat as to be willing to surrender,
but obstinately prepared for their defense, while the Florentine
commissaries proceeded with their operations, and instances of valor
occurred on both sides. The siege being protracted by a variety of
fortune, Lorenzo de' Medici resolved to go to the camp, and on his
arrival the troops acquired fresh courage, while that of the enemy
seemed to fail; for perceiving the obstinacy of the Florentines' attack,
and the delay of the Genoese in coming to their relief, they surrendered
to Lorenzo, without asking conditions, and none were treated with
severity except two or three who were leaders of the rebellion. During
the siege, Lodovico had sent troops to Pontremoli, as if with an
intention of assisting the Florentines; but having secret correspondence
in Genoa, a party was raised there, who, by the aid of these forces,
gave the city to the duke of Milan.

At this time the Dutch made war upon the Venetians, and Boccolino of
Osimo, in the Marca, caused that place to revolt from the pope, and
assumed the sovereignty. After a variety of fortune, he was induced to
restore the city to the pontiff and come to Florence, where, under the
protection of Lorenzo de' Medici, by whose advice he had been prevailed
upon to submit, he lived long and respected. He afterward went to Milan,
but did not experience such generous treatment; for Lodovico caused him
to be put to death. The Venetians were routed by the Dutch, near the
city of Trento, and Roberto da S. Severino, their captain, was slain.
After this defeat, the Venetians, with their usual good fortune, made
peace with the Dutch, not as vanquished, but as conquerors, so honorable
were the terms they obtained.

About this time, there arose serious troubles in Romagna. Francesco
d'Orso, of Furli, was a man of great authority in that city, and
became suspected by the count Girolamo, who often threatened him. He
consequently, living under great apprehensions, was advised by his
friends to provide for his own safety, by the immediate adoption of such
a course as would relieve him from all further fear of the count. Having
considered the matter and resolved to attempt it, they fixed upon the
market day, at Furli, as most suitable for their purpose; for many of
their friends being sure to come from the country, they might make
use of their services without having to bring them expressly for the
occasion. It was the month of May, when most Italians take supper by
daylight. The conspirators thought the most convenient hour would be
after the count had finished his repast; for his household being then
at their meal, he would remain in the chamber almost alone. Having
fixed upon the hour, Francesco went to the count's residence, left
his companions in the hall, proceeded to his apartment, and desired an
attendant to say he wished for an interview. He was admitted, and after
a few words of pretended communication, slew him, and calling to his
associates, killed the attendant. The governor of the place coming by
accident to speak with the count, and entering the apartment with a few
of his people, was also slain. After this slaughter, and in the midst
of a great tumult, the count's body was thrown from the window, and with
the cry of "church and liberty," they roused the people (who hated the
avarice and cruelty of the count) to arms, and having plundered his
house, made the Countess Caterina and her children prisoners. The
fortress alone had to be taken to bring the enterprise to a successful
issue; but the Castellan would not consent to its surrender. They begged
the countess would desire him to comply with their wish, which she
promised to do, if they would allow her to go into the fortress,
leaving her children as security for the performance of her promise. The
conspirators trusted her, and permitted her to enter; but as soon as she
was within, she threatened them with death and every kind of torture in
revenge for the murder of her husband; and upon their menacing her with
the death of her children, she said she had the means of getting more.
Finding they were not supported by the pope, and that Lodovico
Sforza, uncle to the countess, had sent forces to her assistance, the
conspirators became terrified, and taking with them whatever property
they could carry off, they fled to Citta di Castello. The countess
recovered the state, and avenged the death of her husband with the
utmost cruelty. The Florentines hearing of the count's death, took
occasion to recover the fortress of Piancaldoli, of which he had
formerly deprived them, and, on sending some forces, captured it; but
Cecco, the famous engineer, lost his life during the siege.

To this disturbance in Romagna, another in that province, no less
important, has to be added. Galeotto, lord of Faenza, had married the
daughter of Giovanni Bentivogli, prince of Bologna. She, either through
jealousy or ill treatment by her husband, or from the depravity of her
own nature, hated him to such a degree, that she determined to deprive
him of his possessions and his life; and pretending sickness, she took
to her bed, where, having induced Galeotto to visit her, he was slain by
assassins, whom she had concealed for that purpose in the apartment.
She had acquainted her father with her design, and he hoped, on his
son-in-law's death, to become lord of Faenza. A great tumult arose as
soon as the murder was known, the widow, with an infant son, fled into
the fortress, the people took up arms, Giovanni Bentivogli, with a
condottiere of the duke of Milan, named Bergamino, engaged for the
occasion, entered Faenza with a considerable force, and Antonio Boscoli,
the Florentine commissary, was also there. These leaders being together,
and discoursing of the government of the place, the men of Val di
Lamona, who had risen unanimously upon learning what had occurred,
attacked Giovanni and Bergamino, the latter of whom they slew, made the
former prisoner, and raising the cry of "Astorre and the Florentines,"
offered the city to the commissary. These events being known at
Florence, gave general offense; however, they set Giovanni and his
daughter at liberty, and by the universal desire of the people, took
the city and Astorre under their protection. Besides these, after
the principal differences of the greater powers were composed, during
several years tumults prevailed in Romagna, the Marca, and Sienna,
which, as they are unimportant, it will be needless to recount. When
the duke of Calabria, after the war of 1478, had left the country, the
distractions of Sienna became more frequent, and after many changes, in
which, first the plebeians, and then the nobility, were victorious, the
latter and length maintained the superiority, and among them Pandolfo
and Jacopo Petrucci obtained the greatest influence, so that the former
being distinguished for prudence and the latter for resolution, they
became almost princes in the city.

The Florentines after the war of Serezana, lived in great prosperity
until 1492, when Lorenzo de' Medici died; for he having put a stop to
the internal wars of Italy, and by his wisdom and authority established
peace, turned his thoughts to the advancement of his own and the city's
interests, and married Piero, his eldest son, to Alfonsina, daughter of
the Cavaliere Orsino. He caused Giovanni, his second son, to be raised
to the dignity of cardinal. This was the more remarkable from its being
unprecedented; for he was only fourteen years of age when admitted to
the college; and became the medium by which his family attained to the
highest earthly glory. He was unable to make any particular provision
for Guiliano, his third son, on account of his tender years, and
the shortness of his own life. Of his daughters, one married Jacopo
Salviati; another, Francesco Cibo; the third, Piero Ridolfi; and the
fourth, whom, in order to keep his house united, he had married to
Giovanni de' Medici, died. In his commercial affairs he was very
unfortunate, from the improper conduct of his agents, who in all their
proceedings assumed the deportment of princes rather than of private
persons; so that in many places, much of his property was wasted, and
he had to be relieved by his country with large sums of money. To
avoid similar inconvenience, he withdrew from mercantile pursuits,
and invested his property in land and houses, as being less liable to
vicissitude. In the districts of Prato, Pisa, and the Val di Pesa, he
purchased extensively, and erected buildings, which for magnificence
and utility, were quite of regal character. He next undertook the
improvement of the city, and as many parts were unoccupied by buildings,
he caused new streets to be erected in them, of great beauty, and thus
enlarged the accommodation of the inhabitants. To enjoy his power in
security and repose, and conquer or resist his enemies at a distance, in
the direction of Bologna he fortified the castle of Firenzuola,
situated in the midst of the Appennines; toward Sienna he commenced the
restoration and fortification of the Poggio Imperiale; and he shut out
the enemy in the direction of Genoa, by the acquisition of Pietra Santa
and Serezana. For the greater safety of the city, he kept in pay the
Baglioni, at Perugia, and the Vitelli, at Citta di Castello, and held
the government of Faenza wholly in his own power; all which greatly
contributed to the repose and prosperity of Florence. In peaceful times,
he frequently entertained the people with feasts, and exhibitions of
various events and triumphs of antiquity; his object being to keep the
city abundantly supplied, the people united, and the nobility honored.
He was a great admirer of excellence in the arts, and a patron of
literary men, of which Agnolo da Montepulciano, Cristofero Landini, and
Demetrius Chalcondylas, a Greek, may afford sufficient proofs. On this
account, Count Giovanni della Mirandola, a man of almost supernatural
genius, after visiting every court of Europe, induced by the munificence
of Lorenzo, established his abode at Florence. He took great delight
in architecture, music, and poetry, many of his comments and poetical
compositions still remaining. To facilitate the study of literature
to the youth of Florence, he opened a university at Pisa, which was
conducted by the most distinguished men in Italy. For Mariano da
Chinazano, a friar of the order of St. Augustine, and an excellent
preacher, he built a monastery in the neighborhood of Florence. He
enjoyed much favor both from fortune and from the Almighty; all his
enterprises were brought to a prosperous termination, while his enemies
were unfortunate; for, besides the conspiracy of the Pazzi, an attempt
was made to murder him in the Carmine, by Batista Frescobaldi, and a
similar one by Baldinetto da Pistoja, at his villa; but these persons,
with their confederates, came to the end their crimes deserved. His
skill, prudence, and fortune, were acknowledged with admiration, not
only by the princes of Italy, but by those of distant countries; for
Matthias, king of Hungary, gave him many proofs of his regard; the
sultan sent ambassadors to him with valuable presents, and the Turkish
emperor placed in his hands Bernardo Bandini, the murderer of his
brother. These circumstances raised his fame throughout Italy, and his
reputation for prudence constantly increased; for in council he was
eloquent and acute, wise in determination, and prompt and resolute
in execution. Nor can vices be alleged against him to sully so many
virtues; though he was fond of women, pleased with the company of
facetious and satirical men, and amused with the games of the nursery,
more than seemed consistent with so great a character; for he was
frequently seen playing with his children, and partaking of their
infantine sports; so that whoever considers this gravity and
cheerfulness, will find united in him dispositions which seem almost
incompatible with each other. In his later years, he was greatly
afflicted; besides the gout, he was troubled with excruciating pains in
the stomach, of which he died in April, 1492, in the forty-fourth year
of his age; nor was there ever in Florence, or even in Italy, one so
celebrated for wisdom, or for whose loss such universal regret was felt.
As from his death the greatest devastation would shortly ensue, the
heavens gave many evident tokens of its approach; among other signs,
the highest pinnacle of the church of Santa Reparata was struck with
lightning, and great part of it thrown down, to the terror and amazement
of everyone. The citizens and all the princes of Italy mourned for him,
and sent their ambassadors to Florence, to condole with the city on the
occasion; and the justness of their grief was shortly after apparent;
for being deprived of his counsel, his survivors were unable either to
satisfy or restrain the ambition of Lodovico Sforza, tutor to the duke
of Milan; and hence, soon after the death of Lorenzo, those evil plants
began to germinate, which in a little time ruined Italy, and continue to
keep her in desolation.










    

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