# Book VI

CHAPTER I

Reflections on the object of war and the use of victory--Niccolo
reinforces his army--The duke of Milan endeavors to recover the services
of Count Francesco Sforza--Suspicions of the Venetians--They acquire
Ravenna--The Florentines purchase the Borgo San Sepolcro of the
pope--Piccinino makes an excursion during the winter--The count besieged
in his camp before Martinengo--The insolence of Niccolo Piccinino--The
duke in revenge makes peace with the league--Sforza assisted by the
Florentines.

Those who make war have always and very naturally designed to enrich
themselves and impoverish the enemy; neither is victory sought or
conquest desirable, except to strengthen themselves and weaken the
enemy. Hence it follows, that those who are impoverished by victory or
debilitated by conquest, must either have gone beyond, or fallen short
of, the end for which wars are made. A republic or a prince is enriched
by the victories he obtains, when the enemy is crushed and possession
is retained of the plunder and ransom. Victory is injurious when the foe
escapes, or when the soldiers appropriate the booty and ransom. In such
a case, losses are unfortunate, and conquests still more so; for the
vanquished suffers the injuries inflicted by the enemy, and the victor
those occasioned by his friends, which being less justifiable, must
cause the greater pain, particularly from a consideration of his being
thus compelled to oppress his people by an increased burden of taxation.
A ruler possessing any degree of humanity, cannot rejoice in a victory
that afflicts his subjects. The victories of the ancient and well
organized republics, enabled them to fill their treasuries with gold and
silver won from their enemies, to distribute gratuities to the people,
reduce taxation, and by games and solemn festivals, disseminate
universal joy. But the victories obtained in the times of which we
speak, first emptied the treasury, and then impoverished the people,
without giving the victorious party security from the enemy. This arose
entirely from the disorders inherent in their mode of warfare; for the
vanquished soldiery, divesting themselves of their accoutrements, and
being neither slain nor detained prisoners, only deferred a renewed
attack on the conqueror, till their leader had furnished them with arms
and horses. Besides this, both ransom and booty being appropriated
by the troops, the victorious princes could not make use of them for
raising fresh forces, but were compelled to draw the necessary means
from their subjects' purses, and this was the only result of victory
experienced by the people, except that it diminished the ruler's
reluctance to such a course, and made him less particular about his mode
of oppressing them. To such a state had the practice of war been
brought by the sort of soldiery then on foot, that the victor and the
vanquished, when desirous of their services, alike needed fresh supplies
of money; for the one had to re-equip them, and the other to bribe
them; the vanquished could not fight without being remounted, and the
conquerors would not take the field without a new gratuity. Hence it
followed, that the one derived little advantage from the victory, and
the other was the less injured by defeat; for the routed party had to be
re-equipped, and the victorious could not pursue his advantage.

From this disorderly and perverse method of procedure, it arose, that
before Niccolo's defeat became known throughout Italy, he had again
reorganized his forces, and harassed the enemy with greater vigor than
before. Hence, also, it happened, that after his disaster at Tenna, he
so soon occupied Verona: that being deprived of his army at Verona, he
was shortly able to appear with a large force in Tuscany; that being
completely defeated at Anghiari, before he reached Tuscany, he was more
powerful in the field than ever. He was thus enabled to give the duke of
Milan hopes of defending Lombardy, which by his absence appeared to
be lost; for while Niccolo spread consternation throughout Tuscany,
disasters in the former province so alarmed the duke, that he was afraid
his utter ruin would ensue before Niccolo, whom he had recalled, could
come to his relief, and check the impetuous progress of the count. Under
these impressions, the duke, to insure by policy that success which he
could not command by arms, had recourse to remedies, which on similar
occasions had frequently served his turn. He sent Niccolo da Esti,
prince of Ferrara, to the count who was then at Peschiera, to persuade
him, "That this war was not to his advantage; for if the duke became
so ruined as to be unable to maintain his position among the states of
Italy, the count would be the first to suffer; for he would cease to be
of importance either with the Venetians or the Florentines; and to
prove the sincerity of his wish for peace, he offered to fulfill the
engagement he had entered into with regard to his daughter, and send her
to Ferrara; so that as soon as peace was established, the union might
take place." The count replied, "That if the duke really wished
for peace, he might easily be gratified, as the Florentines and the
Venetians were equally anxious for it. True, it was, he could with
difficulty credit him, knowing that he had never made peace but from
necessity, and when this no longer pressed him, again desired war.
Neither could he give credence to what he had said concerning the
marriage, having been so repeatedly deceived; yet when peace was
concluded, he would take the advice of his friends upon that subject."

The Venetians, who were sometimes needlessly jealous of their soldiery,
became greatly alarmed at these proceedings; and not without reason.
The count was aware of this, and wishing to remove their apprehensions,
pursued the war with unusual vigor; but his mind had become so unsettled
by ambition, and the Venetians' by jealousy, that little further
progress was made during the remainder of the summer, and upon the
return of Niccolo into Lombardy, winter having already commenced, the
armies withdrew into quarters, the count to Verona, the Florentine
forces to Tuscany, the duke's to Cremona, and those of the pope to
Romagna. The latter, after having been victorious at Anghiari, made an
unsuccessful attack upon Furli and Bologna, with a view to wrest them
from Niccolo Piccinino; but they were gallantly defended by his son
Francesco. However, the arrival of the papal forces so alarmed the
people of Ravenna with the fear of becoming subject to the church, that,
by consent of Ostasio di Polenta their lord, they placed themselves
under the power of the Venetians; who, in return for the territory, and
that Ostasio might never retake by force what he had imprudently given
them, sent him and his son to Candia, where they died. In the course of
these affairs, the pope, notwithstanding the victory at Anghiari, became
so in want of money, that he sold the fortress of Borgo San Sepolcro to
the Florentines for 25,000 ducats.

Affairs being thus situated, each party supposed winter would protect
them from the evils of war, and thought no more of peace. This was
particularly the case with the duke, who, being rendered doubly secure
by the season and by the presence of Niccolo, broke off all attempts to
effect a reconciliation with the count, reorganized Niccolo's forces,
and made every requisite preparation for the future struggle. The count
being informed of this, went to Venice to consult with the senate on the
course to be pursued during the next year. Niccolo, on the other hand,
being quite prepared, and seeing the enemy unprovided, did not await the
return of spring, but crossed the Adda during severe weather, occupied
the whole Brescian territory, except Oddula and Acri, and made
prisoners two thousand horse belonging to Francesco's forces, who had
no apprehension of an attack. But the greatest source of anxiety to the
count, and alarm to the Venetians, was the desertion of his service by
Ciarpellone, one of his principal officers. Francesco, on learning these
matters, immediately left Venice, and, arriving at Brescia, found that
Niccolo, after doing all the mischief he could, had retired to his
quarters; and therefore, finding the war concluded for the present was
not disposed to rekindle it, but rather to use the opportunity afforded
by the season and his enemies, of reorganizing his forces, so as to be
able, when spring arrived, to avenge himself for his former injuries.
To this end he induced the Venetians to recall the forces they had
in Tuscany, in the Florentine service, and to order that to succeed
Gattamelata, who was dead, Micheletto Attendulo should take the command.

On the approach of spring, Niccolo Piccinino was the first to take
the field, and encamped before Cignano, a fortress twelve miles from
Brescia; the count marched to its relief, and the war between them was
conducted in the usual manner. The count, apprehensive for the city of
Bergamo, besieged Martinengo, a castle so situated that the possession
of it would enable him to relieve the former, which was closely pressed
by Niccolo, who, having foreseen that the enemy could impede him only
from the direction of Martinengo, had put the castle into a complete
state of defense, so that the count was obliged to lend his whole
force to the siege. Upon this, Niccolo placed his troops in a situation
calculated to intercept the count's provisions, and fortified himself
with trenches and bastions in such a manner that he could not be
attacked without the most manifest hazard to his assailant. Hence the
besiegers were more distressed than the people of Martinengo whom they
besieged. The count could not hold his position for want of food, nor
quit it without imminent danger; so that the duke's victory appeared
certain, and defeat equally inevitable to the count and the Venetians.

But fortune, never destitute of means to assist her favorites, or to
injure others, caused the hope of victory to operate so powerfully
upon Niccolo Piccinino, and made him assume such a tone of unbounded
insolence, that, losing all respect for himself and the duke, he sent
him word that, having served under his ensign for so long, without
obtaining sufficient land to serve him for a grave, he wished to know
from himself what was to be the reward of his labors; for it was in his
power to make him master of Lombardy, and place all his enemies in
his power; and, as a certain victory ought to be attended by a sure
remuneration, he desired the duke to concede to him the city of
Piacenza, that when weary with his lengthened services he might at
last betake himself to repose. Nor did he hesitate, in conclusion, to
threaten, if his request were not granted, to abandon the enterprise.
This injurious and most insolent mode of proceeding highly offended the
duke, and, on further consideration, he determined rather to let the
expedition altogether fail, than consent to his general's demand. Thus,
what all the dangers he had incurred, and the threats of his enemies,
could not draw from him, the insolent behavior of his friends made him
willing to propose. He resolved to come to terms with the count,
and sent Antonio Guido Buono, of Tortona, to offer his daughter and
conditions of peace, which were accepted with great pleasure by the
count, and also by the colleagues as far as themselves were concerned.
The terms being secretly arranged, the duke sent to command Niccolo
to make a truce with the count for one year; intimating, that being
exhausted with the expense, he could not forego a certain peace for a
doubtful victory. Niccolo was utterly astonished at this resolution,
and could not imagine what had induced the duke to lose such a glorious
opportunity; nor could he surmise that, to avoid rewarding his friends,
he would save his enemies, and therefore to the utmost of his power he
opposed this resolution; and the duke was obliged, in order to induce
his compliance, to threaten that if he did not obey he would give him up
to his soldiers and his enemies. Niccolo submitted, with the feelings
of one compelled to leave country and friends, complaining of his hard
fate, that fortune and the duke were robbing him of the victory over his
enemies. The truce being arranged, the marriage of the duke's daughter,
Bianca, to the count was solemnized, the duke giving Cremona for her
portion. This being over, peace was concluded in November, 1441,
at which Francesco Barbadico and Pagolo Trono were present for the
Venetians, and for the Florentines Agnolo Acciajuoli. Peschiera, Asola,
and Lonato, castles in the Mantuan territory, were assigned to the
Venetians.

The war in Lombardy was concluded; but the dissensions in the kingdom
of Naples continued, and the inability to compose them occasioned the
resumption of those arms which had been so recently laid aside. Alfonso,
of Aragon, had, during these wars, taken from René the whole kingdom
except Naples; so that, thinking he had the victory in his power, he
resolved during the siege of Naples to take Benevento, and his other
possessions in that neighborhood, from the count; and thought he might
easily accomplish this while the latter was engaged in the wars of
Lombardy. Having heard of the conclusion of peace, Alfonso feared the
count would not only come for the purpose of recovering his territories,
but also to favor René; and René himself had hope of his assistance for
the same reason. The latter, therefore, sent to the count, begging he
would come to the relief of a friend, and avenge himself of an enemy.
On the other hand, Alfonso entreated Filippo, for the sake of the
friendship which subsisted between them, to find the count some other
occupation, that, being engaged in greater affairs, he might not have
an opportunity of interfering between them. Filippo complied with this
request, without seeming to be aware that he violated the peace recently
made, so greatly to his disadvantage. He therefore signified to pope
Eugenius, that the present was a favorable opportunity for recovering
the territories which the count had taken from the church; and, that he
might be in a condition to use it, offered him the services of Niccolo
Piccinino, and engaged to pay him during the war; who, since the peace
of Lombardy, had remained with his forces in Romagna. Eugenius eagerly
took the advice, induced by his hatred of the count, and his desire to
recover his lost possessions; feeling assured that, although on a former
occasion he had been duped by Niccolo, it would be improper, now that
the duke interfered, to suspect any deceit; and, joining his forces to
those of Niccolo, he assailed La Marca. The count, astonished at such an
unexpected attack, assembled his troops, and went to meet the enemy. In
the meantime, King Alfonso took possession of Naples, so that the whole
kingdom, except Castelnuova, was in his power. Leaving a strong guard
at Castelnuova René set out and came to Florence, where he was most
honorably received; and having remained a few days, finding he could not
continue the war, he withdrew to Marseilles.

In the meantime, Alfonso took Castelnuova, and the count found himself
assailed in the Marca Inferiore, both by the pope and Niccolo. He
applied to the Venetians and the Florentines for assistance, in men and
money, assuring them that if they did not determine to restrain the pope
and king, during his life, they would soon afterward find their very
existence endangered, for both would join Filippo and divide Italy
among them. The Florentines and Venetians hesitated for a time, both to
consider the propriety of drawing upon themselves the enmity of the pope
and the king, and because they were then engaged in the affairs of the
Bolognese. Annibale Bentivoglio had driven Francesco Piccinino from
Bologna, and for defense against the duke, who favored Francesco, he
demanded and received assistance of the Venetians and Florentines; so
that, being occupied with these matters they could not resolve to assist
the count, but Annibale, having routed Francesco Piccinino, and those
affairs seeming to be settled, they resolved to support him. Designing
however to make sure of the duke, they offered to renew the league with
him, to which he was not averse; for, although he consented that war
should be made against the count, while King René was in arms, yet
finding him now conquered, and deprived of the whole kingdom, he was
not willing that the count should be despoiled of his territories; and
therefore, not only consented that assistance should be given him,
but wrote to Alfonso to be good enough to retire to his kingdom, and
discontinue hostilities against the count; and although reluctantly, yet
in acknowledgment of his obligations to the duke, Alfonso determined to
satisfy him, and withdrew with his forces beyond the Tronto.



CHAPTER II

Discords of Florence--Jealousy excited against Neri di Gino
Capponi--Baldaccio d'Anghiari murdered--Reform of government in favor
of the Medici--Enterprises of Sforza and Piccinino--Death of Niccolo
Piccinino--End of the war--Disturbances in Bologna--Annibale Bentivoglio
slain by Battista Canneschi, and the latter by the people--Santi,
supposed to be the son of Ercole Bentivoglio, is called to govern
the city of Bologna--Discourse of Cosmo de' Medici to him--Perfidious
designs of the duke of Milan against Sforza--General war in
Italy--Losses of the duke of Milan--The duke has recourse to the count,
who makes peace with him--Offers of the duke and the Venetians to the
count--The Venetians furtively deprive the count of Cremona.

While the affairs of Romagna proceeded thus, the city of Florence
was not tranquil. Among the citizens of highest reputation in the
government, was Neri di Gino Capponi, of whose influence Cosmo de'
Medici had more apprehension than any other; for to the great authority
which he possessed in the city was added his influence with the
soldiery. Having been often leader of the Florentine forces he had won
their affection by his courage and talents; and the remembrance of his
own and his father's victories (the latter having taken Pisa, and he
himself having overcome Niccolo Piccinino at Anghiari) caused him to
be beloved by many, and feared by those who were averse to having
associates in the government. Among the leaders of the Florentine army
was Baldaccio d'Anghiari, an excellent soldier, for in those times there
was not one in Italy who surpassed him in vigor either of body or mind;
and possessing so much influence with the infantry, whose leader he had
always been, many thought they would follow him wherever he chose to
lead them. Baldaccio was the intimate friend of Neri, who loved him for
his talents, of which he had been a constant witness. This excited great
suspicion in the other citizens, who, thinking it alike dangerous either
to discharge or retain him in their service, determined to destroy him,
and fortune seemed to favor their design. Bartolommeo Orlandini was
Gonfalonier of Justice; the same person who was sent to the defense of
Marradi, when Niccolo Piccinino came into Tuscany, as we have related
above, and so basely abandoned the pass, which by its nature was almost
impregnable. So flagrant an instance of cowardice was very offensive
to Baldaccio, who, on many occasions, both by words and letters, had
contributed to make the disgraceful fact known to all. The shame and
vexation of Bartolommeo were extreme, so that of all things he wished to
avenge himself, thinking, with the death of his accuser, to efface the
stain upon his character.

This feeling of Bartolommeo Orlandini was known to other citizens, so
that they easily persuaded him to put Baldaccio to death, and at one
avenge himself, and deliver his country from a man whom they must
either retain at great peril, or discharge to their greater confusion.
Bartolommeo having therefore resolved to murder him, concealed in his
own apartment at the palace several young men, all armed; and Baldaccio,
entering the piazza, whither it was his daily custom to come, to confer
with the magistrates concerning his command, the Gonfalonier sent for
him, and he, without any suspicion, obeyed. Meeting him in the corridor,
which leads to the chambers of the Signory, they took a few turns
together discoursing of his office, when being close to the door of the
apartments in which the assassins were concealed, Bartolommeo gave them
the signal, upon which they rushed out, and finding Baldaccio alone and
unarmed, they slew him, and threw the body out of the window which looks
from the palace toward the dogano, or customhouse. It was thence carried
into the piazza, where the head being severed, it remained the whole day
exposed to the gaze of the people. Baldaccio was married, and had only
one child, a boy, who survived him but a short time; and his wife,
Annalena, thus deprived of both husband and offspring, rejected every
proposal for a second union. She converted her house into a monastery,
to which she withdrew, and, being joined by many noble ladies, lived
in holy seclusion to the end of her days. The convent she founded, and
which is named from her, preserves her story in perpetual remembrance.

This circumstance served to weaken Neri's power, and made him lose both
influence and friends. Nor did this satisfy the citizens who held the
reins of government; for it being ten years since their acquisition of
power, and the authority of the Balia expired, many began to exhibit
more boldness, both in words and deeds, than seemed consistent with
their safety; and the leaders of the party judged, that if they wished
to preserve their influence, some means must be adopted to increase it.
To this end, in 1444 the councils created a new Balia, which reformed
the government, gave authority to a limited number to create the
Signory, re-established the Chancery of Reformations, depriving Filippo
Peruzzi of his office of president in it, and appointing another wholly
under their influence. They prolonged the term of exile to those who
were banished; put Giovanni di Simone Vespucci in prison; deprived the
Accoppiatori of their enemies of the honors of government, and with
them the sons of Piero Baroncelli, the whole of the Seragli, Bartolommeo
Fortini, Francesco Castellani, and many others. By these means they
strengthened their authority and influence, and humbled their enemies,
or those whom they suspected of being so.

Having thus recovered and confirmed their government, they then
turned their attention to external affairs. As observed above, Niccolo
Piccinino was abandoned by King Alfonso, and the count having been
aggrandized by the assistance of the Florentines, attacked and routed
him near Fermo, where, after losing nearly the whole of his troops,
Niccolo fled to Montecchio, which he fortified in such a manner that in
a short time he had again assembled so large an army as enabled him to
make head against the count; particularly as the season was now come for
them to withdraw into quarters. His principal endeavor during the winter
was to collect troops, and in this he was assisted both by the pope and
Alfonso; so that, upon the approach of spring, both leaders took the
field, and Niccolo, being the strongest, reduced the count to extreme
necessity, and would have conquered him if the duke had not contrived to
frustrate his designs. Filippo sent to beg he would come to him with
all speed, for he wished to have a personal interview, that he might
communicate matters of the highest importance. Niccolo, anxious to hear
them, abandoned a certain victory for a very doubtful advantage; and
leaving his son Francesco to command the army, hastened to Milan.
The count being informed of the circumstance, would not let slip the
opportunity of fighting in the absence of Niccolo; and, coming to an
engagement near the castle of Monte Loro, routed the father's forces and
took the son prisoner. Niccolo having arrived at Milan saw that the duke
had duped him, and learning the defeat of his army and the capture of
his son, he died of grief in 1445, at the age of sixty-four, having been
a brave rather than a fortunate leader. He left two sons, Francesco and
Jacopo, who, possessing less talent than their father, were still more
unfortunate; so that the arms of the family became almost annihilated,
while those of Sforza, being favored by fortune, attained augmented
glory. The pope, seeing Niccolo's army defeated and himself dead, having
little hope of assistance from Aragon, sought peace with the count, and,
by the intervention of the Florentines, succeeded. Of La Marca, the pope
only retained Osimo, Fabriano, and Recanati; all the rest remained in
the count's possession.

Peace being restored to La Marca, the whole of Italy would have obtained
repose had it not been disturbed by the Bolognese. There were in Bologna
two very powerful families, the Canneschi and the Bentivogli. Of the
latter, Annibale was the head; of the former, Battista, who, as a means
of confirming their mutual confidence, had contracted family alliances;
but among men who have the same objects of ambition in view, it is
easy to form connections, but difficult to establish friendship. The
Bolognese were in a league with the Venetians and Florentines, which had
been effected by the influence of Annibale, after they had driven
out Francesco Piccinino; and Battista, knowing how earnestly the duke
desired to have the city favorable to him, proposed to assassinate
Annibale, and put Bologna into his power. This being agreed upon, on the
twenty-fifth of June, 1445, he attacked Annibale with his men, and slew
him: and then, with shouts of "the duke, the duke," rode through the
city. The Venetian and Florentine commissaries were in Bologna at the
time, and at first kept themselves within doors; but finding that the
people, instead of favoring the murderers, assembled in the piazza,
armed in great numbers, mourning the death of Annibale, they joined
them; and, assembling what forces they could, attacked the Canneschi,
soon overpowered them, slew part, and drove the remainder out of the
city. Battista, unable to effect his escape, or his enemies his capture,
took refuge in a vault of his house, used for storing grain. The friends
of the Bentivogli, having sought him all day, and knowing he had not
left the city, so terrified his servants, that one of them, a groom,
disclosed the place of his concealment, and being drawn forth in
complete armor he was slain, his body dragged about the streets, and
afterward burned. Thus the duke's authority was sufficient to prompt the
enterprise, but his force was not at hand to support it.

The tumults being settled by the death of Battista, and the flight of
the Canneschi, Bologna still remained in the greatest confusion. There
not being one of the house of Bentivogli of age to govern, Annibale
having left but one son whose name was Giovanni, only six years old,
it was apprehended that disunion would ensue among the Bentivogli,
and cause the return of the Cannecshi, and the ruin both of their own
country and party. While in this state of apprehension, Francesco,
sometime Count di Poppi, being at Bologna, informed the rulers of
the city, that if they wished to be governed by one of the blood of
Annibale, he could tell them of one; and related that about twenty years
ago, Ercole, cousin of Annibale, being at Poppi, became acquainted with
a girl of the castle, of whom was born a son named Santi, whom Ercole,
on many occasions acknowledged to be his own, nor could he deny it,
for whoever knew him and saw the boy, could not fail to observe the
strongest resemblance. The citizens gave credit to the tale, and
immediately sent to Florence to see the young man, and procure of Cosmo
and Neri permission to return with him to Bologna. The reputed father
of Santi was dead, and he lived under the protection of his uncle, whose
name was Antonio da Cascese. Antonio was rich, childless, and a friend
of Neri, to whom the matter becoming known, he thought it ought neither
to be despised nor too hastily accepted; and that it would be best
for Santi and those who had been sent from Bologna, to confer in the
presence of Cosmo. They were accordingly introduced, and Santi was not
merely honored but adored by them, so greatly were they influenced by
the spirit of party. However, nothing was done at the time, except that
Cosmo, taking Santi apart, spoke to him thus: "No one can better advise
you in this matter than yourself; for you have to take that course
to which your own mind prompts you. If you be the son of Ercole
Bentivoglio, you will naturally aspire to those pursuits which are
proper to your family and worthy of your father; but if you be the son
of Agnolo da Cascese, you will remain in Florence, and basely spend the
remainder of your days in some branch of the woolen trade." These words
greatly influenced the youth, who, though he had at first almost refused
to adopt such a course, said, he would submit himself wholly to what
Cosmo and Neri should determine. They, assenting to the request of the
Bolognese, provided suitable apparel, horses, and servants; and in a
few days he was escorted by a numerous cavalcade to Bologna, where the
guardianship of Annibale's son and of the city were placed in his hands.
He conducted himself so prudently, that although all his ancestors had
been slain by their enemies, he lived in peace and died respected by
everyone.

After the death of Niccolo Piccinino and the peace of La Marca, Filippo
wishing to procure a leader of his forces, secretly negotiated with
Ciarpellone, one of the principal captains of Count Francesco, and
arrangements having been made, Ciarpellone asked permission to go to
Milan to take possession of certain castles which had been given him by
Filippo during the late wars. The count suspecting what was in progress,
in order to prevent the duke from accommodating himself at his expense,
caused Ciarpellone to be arrested, and soon afterward put to death;
alleging that he had been detected plotting against him. Filippo was
highly annoyed and indignant, which the Venetians and the Florentines
were glad to observe, for their greatest fear was, that the duke and the
count should become friends.

The duke's anger caused the renewal of war in La Marca. Gismondo
Malatesti, lord of Rimino, being son-in-law of the count, expected to
obtain Pesaro; but the count, having obtained possession, gave it to
his brother, Alessandro. Gismondo, offended at this, was still further
exasperated at finding that Federigo di Montefeltro, his enemy, by the
count's assistance, gained possession of Urbino. He therefore joined the
duke, and solicited the pope and the king to make war against the count,
who, to give Gismondo a taste of the war he so much desired, resolved to
take the initiative, and attacked him immediately. Thus Romagna and La
Marca were again in complete confusion, for Filippo, the king, and the
pope, sent powerful assistance to Gismondo, while the Florentines and
Venetians supplied the count with money, though not with men. Nor was
Filippo satisfied with the war in Romagna, but also desired to take
Cremona and Pontremoli from the count; but Pontremoli was defended by
the Florentines, and Cremona by the Venetians. Thus the war was renewed
in Lombardy, and after several engagements in the Cremonese, Francesco
Piccinino, the leader of the duke's forces, was routed at Casale, by
Micheletto and the Venetian troops. This victory gave the Venetians hope
of obtaining the duke's dominions. They sent a commissary to Cremona,
attacked the Ghiaradadda, and took the whole of it, except Crema. Then
crossing the Adda, they overran the country as far as Milan. Upon this
the duke had recourse to Alfonso, and entreated his assistance, pointing
out the danger his kingdom would incur if Lombardy were to fall into
the hands of the Venetians. Alfonso promised to send him troops, but
apprised him of the difficulties which would attend their passage,
without the permission of the count.

Filippo, driven to extremity, then had recourse to Francesco, and begged
he would not abandon his father-in-law, now that he had become old and
blind. The count was offended with the duke for making war against him;
but he was jealous of the increasing greatness of the Venetians, and
he himself began to be in want of money, for the League supplied him
sparingly. The Florentines, being no longer in fear of the duke, ceased
to stand in need of the count, and the Venetians desired his ruin; for
they thought Lombardy could not be taken from him except by this means;
yet while Filippo sought to gain him over, and offered him the entire
command of his forces, on condition that he should restore La Marca to
the pope and quit the Venetian alliance, ambassadors were sent to him by
that republic, promising him Milan, if they took it, and the perpetual
command of their forces, if he would push the war in La Marca, and
prevent Alfonso from sending troops into Lombardy. The offers of the
Venetians were great, as also were their claims upon him, having begun
the war in order to save him from losing Cremona; while the injuries
received from the duke were fresh in his memory, and his promises had
lost all influence, still the count hesitated; for on the one hand, were
to be considered his obligations to the League, his pledged faith,
their recent services, and his hopes of the future, all which had
their influence on him; on the other, were the entreaties of his
father-in-law, and above all, the bane which he feared would be
concealed under the specious offers of the Venetians, for he doubted
not, that both with regard to Milan and their other promises, if they
were victorious, he would be at their mercy, to which no prudent men
would ever submit if he could avoid it. These difficulties in the way
of his forming a determination, were obviated by the ambition of the
Venetians, who, seeing a chance of occupying Cremona, from secret
intelligence with that city, under a different pretext, sent troops into
its neighborhood; but the affair was discovered by those who commanded
Cremona for the count, and measures were adopted which prevented
its success. Thus without obtaining Cremona, they lost the count's
friendship, who, now being free from all other considerations, joined
the duke.



CHAPTER III

Death of Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan--The Milanese appoint Sforza
their captain--Milan becomes a republic--The pope endeavors to restore
peace to Italy--The Venetians oppose this design--Alfonso attacks the
Florentines--The neighborhood of Piombino becomes the principal
theater of war--Scarcity in the Florentine camp--Disorders occur in
the Neapolitan and Florentine armies--Alfonso sues for peace and is
compelled to retreat--Pavia surrenders to the count--Displeasure of
the Milanese--The count besieges Caravaggio--The Venetians endeavor to
relieve the place--They are routed by the count before Caravaggio.

Pope Eugenius being dead, was succeeded by Nicholas V. The count had his
whole army at Cotignola, ready to pass into Lombardy, when intelligence
was brought him of the death of Filippo, which happened on the last
day of August, 1447. This event greatly afflicted him, for he doubted
whether his troops were in readiness, on account of their arrears of
pay; he feared the Venetians, who were his armed enemies, he having
recently forsaken them and taken part with the duke; he was in
apprehension from Alfonso, his inveterate foe; he had no hope from the
pontiff or the Florentines; for the latter were allies of the Venetians,
and he had seized the territories of the former. However, he resolved to
face his fortune and be guided by circumstances; for it often happens,
that when engaged in business valuable ideas are suggested, which in a
state of inaction would never have occurred. He had great hopes, that if
the Milanese were disposed to defend themselves against the ambition of
the Venetians, they could make use of no other power but his. Therefore,
he proceeded confidently into the Bolognese territory, thence to Modena
and Reggio, halted with his forces upon the Lenza, and sent to offer his
services at Milan. On the death of the duke, part of the Milanese were
inclined to establish a republic; others wished to choose a prince, and
of these, one part favored the count, and another Alfonso. However, the
majority being in favor of freedom, they prevailed over the rest,
and organized a republic, to which many cities of the Duchy refused
obedience; for they, too, desired to live in the enjoyment of their
liberty, and even those who did not embrace such views, refused to
submit to the sovereignty of the Milanese. Lodi and Piacenza surrendered
themselves to the Venetians; Pavia and Parma became free. This confused
state of things being known to the count, he proceeded to Cremona, where
his ambassadors and those of the Milanese arranged for him to command
the forces of the new republic, with the same remuneration he had
received from the duke at the time of his decease. To this they added
the possession of Brescia, until Verona was recovered, when he should
have that city and restore Brescia to the Milanese.

Before the duke's death, Pope Nicholas, after his assumption of the
pontificate, sought to restore peace among the princes of Italy, and
with this object endeavored, in conjunction with the ambassadors sent by
the Florentines to congratulate him on his accession, to appoint a diet
at Ferrara to attempt either the arrangement of a long truce, or the
establishment of peace. A congress was accordingly held in that city,
of the pope's legate and the Venetian, ducal, and Florentine
representatives. King Alfonso had no envoy there. He was at Tivoli with
a great body of horse and foot, and favorable to the duke; both having
resolved, that having gained the count over to their side, they would
openly attack the Florentines and Venetians, and till the arrival of
the count in Lombardy, take part in the treaty for peace at Ferrara, at
which, though the king did not appear, he engaged to concur in whatever
course the duke should adopt. The conference lasted several days, and
after many debates, resolved on either a truce for five years, or a
permanent peace, whichsoever the duke should approve; and the ducal
ambassadors, having returned to Milan to learn his decision, found him
dead. Notwithstanding this, the Milanese were disposed to adopt the
resolutions of the assembly, but the Venetians refused, indulging
great hopes of becoming masters of Lombardy, particularly as Lodi and
Piacenza, immediately after the duke's death, had submitted to them.
They trusted that either by force or by treaty they could strip Milan
of her power; and then so press her, as to compel her also to surrender
before any assistance could arrive; and they were the more confident of
this from seeing the Florentines involved in war with King Alfonso.

The king being at Tivoli, and designing to pursue his enterprise against
Tuscany, as had been arranged between himself and Filippo, judging
that the war now commenced in Lombardy would give him both time and
opportunity, and wishing to have a footing in the Florentine state
before he openly commenced hostilities, opened a secret understanding
with the fortress of Cennina, in the Val d'Arno Superiore, and took
possession of it. The Florentines, surprised with this unexpected event,
perceiving the king already in action, and resolved to do them all
the injury in his power, hired forces, created a council of ten for
management of the war, and prepared for the conflict in their usual
manner. The king was already in the Siennese, and used his utmost
endeavors to reduce the city, but the inhabitants of Sienna were firm in
their attachment to the Florentines, and refused to receive him within
their walls or into any of their territories. They furnished him with
provisions, alleging in excuse, the enemy's power and their inability
to resist. The king, finding he could not enter by the Val d'Arno, as he
had first intended, both because Cennina had been already retaken, and
because the Florentines were now in some measure prepared for their
defense, turned toward Volterra, and occupied many fortresses in that
territory. Thence he proceeded toward Pisa, and with the assistance of
Fazio and Arrigo de' Conti, of the Gherardesca, took some castles, and
issuing from them, assailed Campiglia, but could not take it, the place
being defended by the Florentines, and it being now in the depth of
winter. Upon this the king, leaving garrisons in the places he had taken
to harass the surrounding country, withdrew with the remainder of his
army to quarters in the Siennese. The Florentines, aided by the season,
used the most active exertions to provide themselves troops, whose
captains were Federigo, lord of Urbino, and Gismondo Malatesti da
Rimino, who, though mutual foes, were kept so united by the prudence
of the commissaries, Neri di Gino and Bernardetto de' Medici, that they
broke up their quarters while the weather was still very severe and
recovered not only the places that had been taken in the territory of
Pisa, but also the Pomerancie in the neighborhood of Volterra, and so
checked the king's troops, which at first had overrun the Maremma, that
they could scarcely retain the places they had been left to garrison.

Upon the return of the spring the commissaries halted with their whole
force, consisting of five thousand horse and two thousand foot, at the
Spedaletto. The king approached with his army, amounting to fifteen
thousand men, within three miles of Campiglia, but when it was expected
he would attack the place he fell upon Piombino, hoping, as it was
insufficiently provided, to take it with very little trouble, and thus
acquire a very important position, the loss of which would be severely
felt by the Florentines; for from it he would be able to exhaust them
with a long war, obtain his own provision by sea, and harass the whole
territory of Pisa. They were greatly alarmed at this attack, and,
considering that if they could remain with their army among the woods
of Campiglia, the king would be compelled to retire either in defeat
or disgrace. With this view they equipped four galleys at Livorno, and
having succeeded in throwing three hundred infantry into Piombino,
took up their own position at the Caldane, a place where it would be
difficult to attack them; and they thought it would be dangerous to
encamp among the thickets of the plain.

The Florentine army depended for provisions on the surrounding places,
which, being poor and thinly inhabited, had difficulty in supplying
them. Consequently the troops suffered, particularly from want of wine,
for none being produced in that vicinity, and unable to procure it from
more distant places, it was impossible to obtain a sufficient quantity.
But the king, though closely pressed by the Florentines, was well
provided except in forage, for he obtained everything else by sea. The
Florentines, desirous to supply themselves in the same manner, loaded
four vessels with provisions, but, upon their approach, they were
attacked by seven of the king's galleys, which took two of them and
put the rest to flight. This disaster made them despair of procuring
provisions, so that two hundred men of a foraging party, principally for
want of wine, deserted to the king, and the rest complained that
they could not live without it, in a situation where the heat was so
excessive and the water bad. The commissaries therefore determined
to quit the place, and endeavor to recover those castles which still
remained in the enemy's power; who, on his part, though not suffering
from want of provisions, and greatly superior in numbers, found his
enterprise a failure, from the ravages made in his army by those
diseases which the hot season produces in marshy localities; and which
prevailed to such an extent that many died daily, and nearly all were
affected. These circumstances occasioned overtures of peace. The king
demanded fifty thousand florins, and the possession of Piombino. When
the terms were under consideration, many citizens, desirous of peace,
would have accepted them, declaring there was no hope of bringing to a
favorable conclusion a war which required so much money to carry it on.
But Neri Capponi going to Florence, placed the matter in a more correct
light, and it was then unanimously determined to reject the proposal,
and take the lord of Piombino under their protection, with an alliance
offensive and defensive, provided he did not abandon them, but assist in
their defense as hitherto. The king being informed of this resolution,
saw that, with his reduced army, he could not gain the place, and
withdrew in the same condition as if completely routed, leaving behind
him two thousand dead. With the remainder of his sick troops he retired
to the Siennese territory, and thence to his kingdom, incensed against
the Florentines, and threatening them with new wars upon the return of
spring.

While these events were proceeding in Tuscany the Count Sforza, having
become leader of the Milanese forces, strenuously endeavored to secure
the friendship of Francesco Piccinino, who was also in their service,
that he might support him in his enterprises, or be less disposed to do
him injury. He then took the field with his army, upon which the people
of Pavia, conscious of their inability to resist him, and unwilling to
obey the Milanese, offered to submit themselves to his authority, on
condition that he should not subject them to the power of Milan. The
count desired the possession of Pavia, and considered the circumstance
a happy omen, as it would enable him to give a color to his designs. He
was not restrained from treachery either by fear or shame; for great men
consider failure disgraceful,--a fraudulent success the contrary. But
he was apprehensive that his possession of the city would excite the
animosity of the Milanese, and perhaps induce them to throw themselves
under the power of the Venetians. If he refused to accept the offer,
he would have occasion to fear the duke of Savoy, to whom many citizens
were inclined to submit themselves; and either alternative would deprive
him of the sovereignty of Lombardy. Concluding there was less danger in
taking possession of the city than in allowing another to have it, he
determined to accept the proposal of the people of Pavia, trusting he
would be able to satisfy the Milanese, to whom he pointed out the danger
they must have incurred had he not complied with it; for her citizens
would have surrendered themselves to the Venetians or to the duke of
Savoy; so that in either case they would have been deprived of the
government, and therefore they ought to be more willing to have himself
as their neighbor and friend, than a hostile power such as either of the
others, and their enemy. The Milanese were upon this occasion greatly
perplexed, imagining they had discovered the count's ambition, and
the end he had in view; but they thought it desirable to conceal their
fears, for they did not know, if the count were to desert them, to whom
they could have recourse except the Venetians, whose pride and tyranny
they naturally dreaded. They therefore resolved not to break with the
count, but by his assistance remedy the evils with which they were
threatened, hoping that when freed from them they might rescue
themselves from him also; for at that time they were assailed not only
by the Venetians but by the Genoese and the duke of Savoy, in the name
of Charles of Orleans, the son of a sister of Filippo, but whom the
count easily vanquished. Thus their only remaining enemies were the
Venetians, who, with a powerful army, determined to occupy their
territories, and had already taken possession of Lodi and Piacenza,
before which latter place the count encamped; and, after a long siege,
took and pillaged the city. Winter being set in, he led his forces into
quarters, and then withdrew to Cremona, where, during the cold season,
he remained in repose with his wife.

In the spring, the Venetian and Milanese armies again took the field. It
was the design of the Milanese, first to recover Lodi and then to come
to terms with the Venetians; for the expenses of the war had become very
great, and they were doubtful of their general's sincerity, so that they
were anxious alike for the repose of peace, and for security against the
count. They therefore resolved that the army should march to the siege
of Carravaggio, hoping that Lodi would surrender, on that fortress being
wrested from the enemy's hands. The count obeyed, though he would have
preferred crossing the Adda and attacking the Brescian territory. Having
encamped before Caravaggio, he so strongly entrenched himself, that if
the enemy attempted to relieve the place, they would have to attack
him at a great disadvantage. The Venetian army, led by Micheletto,
approached within two bowshots of the enemy's camp, and many skirmishes
ensued. The count continued to press the fortress, and reduced it to the
very last extremity, which greatly distressed the Venetians, since they
knew the loss of it would involve the total failure of their expedition.
Very different views were entertained by their military officers
respecting the best mode of relieving the place, but they saw no
course open except to attack the enemy in his trenches, in spite of
all obstacles. The castle was, however, considered of such paramount
importance, that the Venetian senate, though naturally timid, and averse
to all hazardous undertakings, chose rather to risk everything than
allow it to fall into the hands of the enemy.

They therefore resolved to attack the count at all events, and early
the next morning commenced their assault upon a point which was least
defended. At the first charge, as commonly happens in a surprise,
Francesco's whole army was thrown into dismay. Order, however, was
soon so completely restored by the count, that the enemy, after various
efforts to gain the outworks, were repulsed and put to flight; and so
entirely routed, that of twelve thousand horse only one thousand escaped
the hands of the Milanese, who took possession of all the carriages
and military stores; nor had the Venetians ever before suffered such a
thorough rout and overthrow. Among the plunder and prisoners, crouching
down, as if to escape observation, was found a Venetian commissary, who,
in the course of the war and before the fight, had spoken contemptuously
of the count, calling him "bastard," and "base-born." Being made
prisoner, he remembered his faults, and fearing punishment, being taken
before the count, was agonized with terror; and, as is usual with
mean minds (in prosperity insolent, in adversity abject and cringing),
prostrated himself, weeping and begging pardon for the offenses he
had committed. The count, taking him by the arm, raised him up, and
encouraged him to hope for the best. He then said he wondered how a
man so prudent and respectable as himself, could so far err as to
speak disparagingly of those who did not merit it; and as regarded the
insinuations which he had made against him, he really did not know how
Sforza his father, and Madonna Lucia his mother, had proceeded together,
not having been there, and having no opportunity of interfering in the
matter, so that he was not liable either to blame or praise. However,
he knew very well, that in regard to his own actions he had conducted
himself so that no one could blame him; and in proof of this he would
refer both the Venetian senate and himself to what had happened that
day. He then advised him in future to be more respectful in speaking of
others, and more cautious in regard to his own proceedings.



CHAPTER IV

The count's successes--The Venetians come to terms with him--Views of
the Venetians--Indignation of the Milanese against the count--Their
ambassador's address to him--The count's moderation and reply--The count
and the Milanese prepare for war--Milanese ambassadors at Venice--League
of the Venetians and Milanese--The count dupes the Venetians and
Milanese--He applies for assistance to the Florentines--Diversity of
opinions in Florence on the subject--Neri di Gino Capponi averse to
assisting the count--Cosmo de' Medici disposed to do so--The Florentines
sent ambassadors to the count.

After this victory, the count marched into the Brescian territory,
occupied the whole country, and then pitched his camp within two miles
of the city. The Venetians, having well-grounded fears that Brescia
would be next attacked, provided the best defense in their power. They
then collected the relics of their army, and, by virtue of the treaty,
demanded assistance of the Florentines; who, being relieved from the
war with Alfonso, sent them one thousand foot and two thousand horse, by
whose aid the Venetians were in a condition to treat for peace. At one
time it seemed the fate of their republic to lose by war and win by
negotiation; for what was taken from them in battle was frequently
restored twofold on the restoration of peace. They knew the Milanese
were jealous of the count, and that he wished to be not their captain
merely, but their sovereign; and as it was in their power to make peace
with either of the two (the one desiring it from ambition, the other
from fear), they determined to make choice of the count, and offer him
assistance to effect his design; persuading themselves, that as the
Milanese would perceive they had been duped by him, they would in
revenge place themselves in the power of any one rather than in his; and
that, becoming unable either to defend themselves or trust the count,
they would be compelled, having no other resource, to fall into their
hands. Having taken this resolution, they sounded the count, and found
him quite disposed for peace, evidently desirous that the honor and
advantage of the victory at Caravaggio should be his own, and not accrue
to the Milanese. The parties therefore entered into an agreement, in
which the Venetians undertook to pay the count thirteen thousand florins
per month, till he should obtain Milan, and to furnish him, during the
continuance of the war, four thousand horse and two thousand foot. The
count engaged to restore to the Venetians the towns, prisoners, and
whatever else had been taken by him during the late campaigns, and
content himself with those territories which the duke possessed at the
time of his death.

When this treaty became known at Milan, it grieved the citizens more
than the victory at Caravaggio had exhilarated them. The rulers of the
city mourned, the people complained, women and children wept, and all
exclaimed against the count as false and perfidious. Although they
could not hope that either prayers or promises would divert him from his
ungrateful design, they sent ambassadors to see with what kind of color
he would invest his unprincipled proceedings, and being admitted to his
presence, one of them spoke to the following effect;--"It is customary
with those who wish to obtain a favor, to make use either of prayers,
presents, or threats, that pity, convenience, or fear, may induce a
compliance with their requests. But as with cruel, avaricious, or, in
their own conceit, powerful men, these arguments have no weight, it is
vain to hope, either to soften them by prayers, win them by presents, or
alarm them by menaces. We, therefore, being now, though late, aware of
thy pride, cruelty, and ambition, come hither, not to ask aught, nor
with the hope, even if we were so disposed, of obtaining it, but to
remind thee of the benefits thou hast received from the people of Milan,
and to prove with what heartless ingratitude thou hast repaid them,
that at least, under the many evils oppressing us, we may derive some
gratification from telling thee how and by whom they have been produced.
Thou canst not have forgotten thy wretched condition at the death of the
duke Filippo; the king and the pope were both thine enemies; thou hadst
abandoned the Florentines and the Venetians, who, on account of their
just indignation, and because they stood in no further need of thee,
were almost become thy declared enemies. Thou wert exhausted by thy
wars against the church; with few followers, no friends, or any money;
hopeless of being able to preserve either thy territories or thy
reputation. From these circumstances thy ruin must have ensued, but for
our simplicity; we received thee to our home, actuated by reverence for
the happy memory of our duke, with whom, being connected by marriage and
renewed alliance, we believed thy affection would descend to those
who had inherited his authority, and that, if to the benefits he had
conferred on thee, our own were added, the friendship we sought to
establish would not only be firm, but inseparable; with this impression,
we added Verona or Brescia to thy previous appointments. What more could
we either give or promise thee? What else couldst thou, not from
us merely, but from any others, have either had or expected? Thou
receivedst from us an unhoped-for benefit, and we, in return, an
unmerited wrong. Neither hast thou deferred until now the manifestation
of thy base designs; for no sooner wert thou appointed to command our
armies, than, contrary to every dictate of propriety, thou didst accept
Pavia, which plainly showed what was to be the result of thy friendship;
but we bore with the injury, in hope that the greatness of the advantage
would satisfy thy ambition. Alas! those who grasp at all cannot be
satisfied with a part. Thou didst promise that we should possess the
conquests which thou might afterward make; for thou wert well aware that
what was given at many times might be withdrawn at once, as was the case
after the victory at Caravaggio, purchased by our money and blood, and
followed by our ruin. Oh! unhappy states, which have to guard against
their oppressor; but much more wretched those who have to trust to
mercenary and faithless arms like thine! May our example instruct
posterity, since that of Thebes and Philip of Macedon, who, after
victory over her enemies, from being her captain became her foe and her
prince, could not avail us.

"The only fault of which we are conscious is our over-weening confidence
in one whom we ought not to have trusted; for thy past life, thy
restless mind, incapable of repose, ought to have put us on our guard;
neither ought we to have confided in one who betrayed the lord of Lucca,
set a fine upon the Florentines and the Venetians, defied the duke,
despised the king, and besides all this, persecuted the church of God,
and the Divinity himself with innumerable atrocities. We ought not to
have fancied that so many potentates possessed less influence over the
mind of Francesco Sforza, than the Milanese; or that he would preserve
unblemished that faith towards us which he had on so many occasions
broken with them. Still this want of caution in us does not excuse the
perfidy in thee; nor can it obliterate the infamy with which our just
complaints will blacken thy character throughout the world, or prevent
the remorse of thy conscience, when our arms are used for our own
destruction; for thou wilt see that the sufferings due to parricides are
fully deserved by thee. And though ambition should blind thine eyes, the
whole world, witness to thine iniquity, will compel thee to open them;
God himself will unclose them, if perjuries, if violated faith, if
treacheries displease him, and if, as ever, he is still the enemy of the
wicked. Do not, therefore, promise thyself any certainty of victory; for
the just wrath of the Almighty will weigh heavily upon thee; and we are
resolved to lose our liberty only with our lives; but if we found we
could not ultimately defend it, we would submit ourselves to anyone
rather than to thee. And if our sins be so great that in spite of
our utmost resolution, we should still fall into thy hands, be quite
assured, that the sovereignty which is commenced in deceit and villainy,
will terminate either in thyself or thy children with ignominy and
blood."

The count, though not insensible to the just reproaches of the Milanese,
did not exhibit either by words or gestures any unusual excitement, and
replied, that "He willingly attributed to their angry feelings all the
serious charges of their indiscreet harangue; and he would reply to
them in detail, were he in the presence of anyone who could decide
their differences; for it would be evident that he had not injured the
Milanese, but only taken care that they should not injure him. They
well knew how they had proceeded after the victory of Caravaggio; for,
instead of rewarding him with either Verona or Brescia, they sought
peace with the Venetians, that all the blame of the quarrel might rest
on him, themselves obtaining the fruit of victory, the credit of peace,
and all the advantages that could be derived from the war. It would
thus be manifest they had no right to complain, when he had effected
the arrangements which they first attempted to make; and that if he had
deferred to do so a little longer, he would have had reason to accuse
them of the ingratitude with which they were now charging him. Whether
the charge were true or false, that God, whom they had invoked to avenge
their injuries, would show at the conclusion of the war, and would
demonstrate which was most his friend, and who had most justice on their
side."

Upon the departure of the ambassadors, the count determined to attack
the Milanese, who prepared for their defense, and appointed Francesco
and Jacopo Piccinino (attached to their cause, on account of the ancient
feud of the families of Braccio and Sforza) to conduct their forces in
support of liberty; at least till they could deprive the count of
the aid of the Venetians, who they did not think would long be either
friendly or faithful to him. On the other hand, the count, perfectly
aware of this, thought it not imprudent, supposing the obligation of
the treaty insufficient, to bind them by the ties of interest; and,
therefore, in assigning to each their portion of the enterprise, he
consented that the Venetians should attack Crema, and himself, with the
other forces, assail the remainder of the territory. The advantage of
this arrangement kept the Venetians so long in alliance with the count,
that he was enabled to conquer the whole of the Milanese territory, and
to press the city so closely, that the inhabitants could not provide
themselves with necessaries; despairing of success, they sent envoys to
the Venetians to beg they would compassionate their distress, and, as
ought to be the case between republics, assist them in defense of their
liberty against a tyrant, whom, if once master of their city, they would
be unable to restrain; neither did they think he would be content with
the boundaries assigned him by the treaty, but would expect all the
dependencies of Milan.

The Venetians had not yet taken Crema, and wishing before they changed
sides, to effect this point, they PUBLICLY answered the envoys, that
their engagements with the count prevented them from defending the
Milanese; but SECRETLY, gave them every assurance of their wish to do
so.

The count had approached so near Milan with his forces, that he was
disputing the suburbs with the inhabitants, when the Venetians having
taken Crema, thought they need no longer hesitate to declare in favor of
the Milanese, with whom they made peace and entered into alliance; among
the terms of which was the defense of their liberty unimpaired. Having
come to this agreement, they ordered their forces to withdraw from the
count's camp and to return to the Venetian territory. They informed
him of the peace made with the Milanese, and gave him twenty days to
consider what course he would adopt. He was not surprised at the step
taken by the Venetians, for he had long foreseen it, and expected its
occurrence daily; but when it actually took place, he could not
avoid feeling regret and displeasure similar to what the Milanese had
experienced when he abandoned them. He took two days to consider the
reply he would make to the ambassadors whom the Venetians had sent to
inform him of the treaty, and during this time he determined to dupe the
Venetians, and not abandon his enterprise; therefore, appearing openly
to accept the proposal for peace, he sent his ambassadors to Venice with
full credentials to effect the ratification, but gave them secret orders
not to do so, and with pretexts or caviling to put it off. To give the
Venetians greater assurance of his sincerity, he made a truce with the
Milanese for a month, withdrew from Milan and divided his forces among
the places he had taken. This course was the occasion of his victory and
the ruin of the Milanese; for the Venetians, confident of peace, were
slow in preparing for war, and the Milanese finding the truce concluded,
the enemy withdrawn, and the Venetians their friends, felt assured that
the count had determined to abandon his design. This idea injured them
in two ways: one, by neglecting to provide for their defense; the next,
that, being seed-time, they sowed a large quantity of grain in the
country which the enemy had evacuated, and thus brought famine upon
themselves. On the other hand, all that was injurious to his enemies
favored the count, and the time gave him opportunity to take breath and
provide himself with assistance.

The Florentines during the war of Lombardy had not declared in favor of
either party, or assisted the count either in defense of the Milanese or
since; for he never having been in need had not pressingly requested
it; and they only sent assistance to the Venetians after the rout at
Caravaggio, in pursuance of the treaty. Count Francesco, standing now
alone, and not knowing to whom else he could apply, was compelled to
request immediate aid of the Florentines, publicly from the state, and
privately from friends, particularly from Cosmo de' Medici, with whom he
had always maintained a steady friendship, and by whom he had constantly
been faithfully advised and liberally supported. Nor did Cosmo abandon
him in his extreme necessity, but supplied him generously from his own
resources, and encouraged him to prosecute his design. He also wished
the city publicly to assist him, but there were difficulties in the way.
Neri di Gino Capponi, one of the most powerful citizens of Florence,
thought it not to the advantage of the city, that the count should
obtain Milan; and was of opinion that it would be more to the safety
of Italy for him to ratify the peace than pursue the war. In the first
place, he apprehended that the Milanese, through their anger against the
count, would surrender themselves entirely to the Venetians, which would
occasion the ruin of all. Supposing he should occupy Milan, it appeared
to him that so great military superiority, combined with such an extent
of territory, would be dangerous to themselves, and that if as count
he was intolerable, he would become doubly so as duke. He therefore
considered it better for the republic of Florence and for Italy, that
the count should be content with his military reputation, and that
Lombardy should be divided into two republics, which could never be
united to injure others, and separately are unable to do so. To attain
this he saw no better means than to refrain from aiding the count, and
continuing in the former league with the Venetians. These reasonings
were not satisfactory to Cosmo's friends, for they imagined that Neri
had argued thus, not from a conviction of its advantage to the republic,
but to prevent the count, as a friend of Cosmo, from becoming duke,
apprehending that Cosmo would, in consequence of this, become too
powerful.

Cosmo, in reply, pointed out, that to lend assistance to the count would
be highly beneficial both to Italy and the republic; for it was unwise
to imagine the Milanese could preserve their own liberty; for the nature
of their community, their mode of life, and their hereditary feuds were
opposed to every kind of civil government, so that it was necessary,
either that the count should become duke of Milan, or the Venetians her
lords. And surely under such circumstances, no one could doubt which
would be most to their advantage, to have for their neighbor a powerful
friend or a far more powerful foe. Neither need it be apprehended
that the Milanese, while at war with the count, would submit to the
Venetians; for the count had a stronger party in the city, and
the Venetians had not, so that whenever they were unable to defend
themselves as freemen, they would be more inclined to obey the count
than the Venetians.

These diverse views kept the city long in suspense; but at length it
was resolved to send ambassadors to the count to settle the terms of
agreement, with instructions, that if they found him in such a condition
as to give hopes of his ultimate success, they were to close with him,
but, if otherwise, they were to draw out the time in diplomacy.



CHAPTER V

Prosecution of the war between the count and the Milanese--The Milanese
reduced to extremity--The people rise against the magistrates--Milan
surrenders to the count--League between the new duke of Milan and the
Florentines, and between the king of Naples and the Venetians--Venetian
and Neapolitan ambassadors at Florence--Answer of Cosmo de' Medici to
the Venetian ambassador--Preparations of the Venetians and the king
of Naples for the war--The Venetians excite disturbances in
Bologna--Florence prepares for war--The emperor, Frederick III.
at Florence--War in Lombardy between the duke of Milan and the
Venetians--Ferrando, son of the king of Naples, marches into Tuscany
against the Florentines.

The ambassadors were at Reggio when they heard that the count had become
lord of Milan; for as soon as the truce had expired, he approached the
city with his forces, hoping quickly to get possession of it in spite
of the Venetians, who could bring no relief except from the side of
the Adda, which route he could easily obstruct, and therefore had no
apprehension (being then winter) of their arrival, and he trusted that,
before the return of spring, he would be victorious, particularly, as
by the death of Francesco Piccinino, there remained only Jacopo his
brother, to command the Milanese. The Venetians had sent an ambassador
to Milan to confirm the citizens in their resolution of defense,
promising them powerful and immediate aid. During the winter a few
slight skirmishes had taken place between the count and the Venetians;
but on the approach of milder weather, the latter, under Pandolfo
Malatesti, halted with their army upon the Adda, and considering
whether, in order to succor the Milanese, they ought to risk a battle,
Pardolfo, their general, aware of the count's abilities, and the courage
of his army, said it would be unadvisable to do so, and that, under the
circumstances, it was needless, for the count, being in great want of
forage, could not keep the field, and must soon retire. He therefore
advised them to remain encamped, to keep the Milanese in hope, and
prevent them from surrendering. This advice was approved by the
Venetians, both as being safe, and because, by keeping the Milanese in
this necessity, they might be the sooner compelled to submit to their
dominion; for they felt quite sure that the injuries they had received
would always prevent their submission to the count.

In the meantime, the Milanese were reduced to the utmost misery; and as
the city usually abounded with poor, many died of hunger in the streets;
hence arose complaints and disturbances in several parts, which alarmed
the magistrates, and compelled them to use their utmost exertions to
prevent popular meetings. The multitude are always slow to resolve on
commotion; but the resolution once formed, any trivial circumstance
excites it to action. Two men in humble life, talking together near the
Porta Nuova of the calamities of the city, their own misery, and the
means that might be adopted for their relief, others beginning to
congregate, there was soon collected a large crowd; in consequence of
it a report was spread that the neighborhood of Porta Nuova had risen
against the government. Upon this, all the lower orders, who only waited
for an example, assembled in arms, and chose Gasparre da Vicomercato to
be their leader. They then proceeded to the place where the magistrates
were assembled, and attacked them so impetuously that all who did not
escape by flight were slain: among the number, as being considered a
principal cause of the famine, and gratified at their distress, fell
Lionardo Veniero, the Venetian ambassador. Having thus almost become
masters of the city, they considered what course was next to be adopted
to escape from the horrors surrounding them, and to procure peace. A
feeling universally prevailed, that as they could not preserve their own
liberty, they ought to submit to a prince who could defend them. Some
proposed King Alfonso, some the duke of Savoy, and others the king
of France, but none mentioned the count, so great was the general
indignation against him. However, disagreeing with the rest, Gasparre da
Vicomercato proposed him, and explained in detail that if they desired
relief from war, no other plan was open, since the people of Milan
required a certain and immediate peace, and not a distant hope
of succor. He apologized for the count's proceedings, accused the
Venetians, and all the powers of Italy, of which some from ambition and
others from avarice were averse to their possessing freedom. Having to
dispose of their liberty, it would be preferable, he said, to obey one
who knew and could defend them; so that, by their servitude they might
obtain peace, and not bring upon themselves greater evils and more
dangerous wars. He was listened to with the most profound attention;
and, having concluded his harangue, it was unanimously resolved by the
assembly, that the count should be called in, and Gasparre was appointed
to wait upon him and signify their desire. By the people's command he
conveyed the pleasing and happy intelligence to the count, who heard
it with the utmost satisfaction, and entered Milan as prince on the
twenty-sixth of February, 1450, where he was received with the greatest
possible joy by those who, only a short time previously had heaped on
him all the slanders that hatred could inspire.

The news of this event reaching Florence, orders were immediately sent
to the envoys who were upon the way to Milan, that instead of treating
for his alliance with the count, they should congratulate the duke
upon his victory; they, arranging accordingly, had a most honorable
reception, and were treated with all possible respect; for the duke
well knew that in all Italy he could not find braver or more faithful
friends, to defend him against the power of the Venetians, than the
Florentines, who, being no longer in fear of the house of Visconti,
found themselves opposed by the Aragonese and Venetians; for the
Aragonese princes of Naples were jealous of the friendship which
the Florentines had always evinced for the family of France; and the
Venetians seeing the ancient enmity of the Florentines against the
Visconti transferred to themselves, resolved to injure them as much
as possible; for they knew how pertinaciously and invariably they had
persecuted the Lombard princes. These considerations caused the new duke
willingly to join the Florentines, and united the Venetians and King
Alfonso against their common enemies; impelling them at the same time to
hostilities, the king against the Florentines, and the Venetians against
the duke, who, being fresh in the government, would, they imagined, be
unable to resist them, even with all the aid he could obtain.

But as the league between the Florentines and the Venetians still
continued, and as the king, after the war of Piombino, had made peace
with the former, it seemed indecent to commence an open rupture until
some plausible reason could be assigned in justification of offensive
measures. On this account each sent ambassadors to Florence, who, on the
part of their sovereigns, signified that the league formed between them
was made not for injury to any, but solely for the mutual defense
of their states. The Venetian ambassador then complained that the
Florentines had allowed Alessandro, the duke's brother, to pass into
Lombardy with his forces; and besides this, had assisted and advised
in the treaty made between the duke and the marquis of Mantua, matters
which he declared to be injurious to the Venetians, and inconsistent
with the friendship hitherto subsisting between the two governments;
amicably reminding them, that one who inflicts unmerited injury, gives
others just ground of hostility, and that those who break a peace may
expect war. The Signory appointed Cosmo de' Medici to reply to what had
been said by the Venetian ambassador, and in a long and excellent
speech he recounted the numerous advantages conferred by the city on the
Venetian republic; showed what an extent of dominion they had acquired
by the money, forces, and counsel of the Florentines, and reminded him
that, although the friendship had originated with the Florentines, they
had never given occasion of enmity; and as they desired peace, they
greatly rejoiced when the treaty was made, if it had been entered into
for the sake of peace, and not of war. True it was, he wondered much
at the remarks which had been made, seeing that such light and trivial
matters should give offense to so great a republic; but if they were
worthy of notice he must have it universally understood, that the
Florentines wished their country to be free and open to all; and that
the duke's character was such, that if he desired the friendship of
the marquis of Mantua, he had no need of anyone's favor or advice. He
therefore feared that these cavils were produced by some latent motive,
which it was not thought proper to disclose. Be this as it might,
they would freely declare to all, that in the same proportion as the
friendship of the Florentines was beneficial their enmity could be
destructive.

The matter was hushed up; and the ambassadors, on their departure,
appeared perfectly satisfied. But the league between the king and the
Venetians made the Florentines and the duke rather apprehend war than
hope for a long continuance of peace. They therefore entered into an
alliance, and at the same time the enmity of the Venetians transpired by
a treaty with the Siennese, and the expulsion of all Florentine subjects
from their cities and territories. Shortly after this, Alfonso did the
same, without any consideration of the peace made the year previous, and
not having even the shadow of an excuse. The Venetians attempted to
take Bologna, and having armed the emigrants, and united to them a
considerable force, introduced them into the city by night through one
of the common sewers. No sooner had they entered, than they raised a
cry, by which Santi Bentivogli, being awakened, was told that the whole
city was in possession of the rebels. But though many advised him
to escape, saying that he could not save the city by his stay, he
determined to confront the danger, and taking arms encouraged his
followers, assembled a few friends, attacked and routed part of the
rebels, slew many more, and drove the remainder out of the city. By this
act of bravery all agreed he had fully proved himself a genuine scion of
the house of the Bentivogli.

These events and demonstrations gave the Florentines an earnest of
approaching war; they consequently followed their usual practice on
similar occasions, and created the Council of Ten. They engaged new
condottieri, sent ambassadors to Rome, Naples, Venice, Milan, and
Sienna, to demand assistance from their friends, gain information about
those they suspected, decide such as were wavering, and discover the
designs of the foe. From the pope they obtained only general expressions
of an amicable disposition and admonitions to peace; from the king,
empty excuses for having expelled the Florentines, and offers of safe
conduct for whoever should demand it; and although he endeavored, as
much as possible, to conceal every indication of his hostile designs,
the ambassadors felt convinced of his unfriendly disposition, and
observed many preparations tending to the injury of the republic. The
League with the duke was strengthened by mutual obligations, and through
his means they became friends with the Genoese, the old differences with
them respecting reprisals, and other small matters of dispute, being
composed, although the Venetians used every possible means to prevent
it, and entreated the emperor of Constantinople to expel all Florentines
from his dominions; so fierce was the animosity with which they entered
on this war, and so powerful their lust of dominion, that without the
least hesitation they sought the destruction of those who had been the
occasion of their own power. The emperor, however, refused to listen to
them. The Venetian senate forbade the Florentine ambassadors to enter
their territories, alleging, that being in league with the king, they
could not entertain them without his concurrence. The Siennese received
the ambassadors with fair words, fearing their own ruin before the
League could assist them, and therefore endeavored to appease the powers
whose attack they were unable to resist. The Venetians and the king (as
was then conjectured) were disposed to send ambassadors to Florence to
justify the war. But the Venetian envoy was not allowed to enter the
Florentine dominions, and the king's ambassador, being unwilling to
perform his office alone, the embassy was not completed; and thus
the Venetians learned, that however little they might esteem the
Florentines, the latter had still less respect for them.

In the midst of these fears, the emperor, Frederick III., came into
Italy to be crowned. On the thirtieth of January, 1451, he entered
Florence with fifteen hundred horse, and was most honorably received
by the Signory. He remained in the city till the sixth of February, and
then proceeded to Rome for his coronation, where, having been solemnly
consecrated, and his marriage celebrated with the empress, who had
come to Rome by sea, he returned to Germany, and again passed through
Florence in May, with the same honors as upon his arrival. On his
return, having derived some benefits from the marquis of Mantua, he
conceded to him Modena and Reggio. In the meantime, the Florentines did
not fail to prepare themselves for immediate war; and to augment their
influence, and strike the enemy with terror, they, in conjunction with
the duke, entered into alliance with the king of France for the mutual
defense of their states. This treaty was published with great pomp
throughout all Italy.

The month of May, 1452, having arrived, the Venetians thought it not
desirable to defer any longer their attack upon the duke, and with
sixteen thousand horse and six thousand foot assailed his territories
in the direction of Lodi, while the marquis of Montferrat, instigated
either by his own ambition or the entreaties of the Venetians, did the
same on the side of Alexandria. The duke assembled a force of eighteen
thousand cavalry and three thousand infantry, garrisoned Alexandria and
Lodi, and all the other places where the enemy might annoy them. He then
attacked the Brescian territory, and greatly harassed the Venetians;
while both parties alike plundered the country and ravaged the smaller
towns. Having defeated the marquis of Montferrat at Alexandria, the duke
was able to unite his whole force against the Venetians and invade their
territory.

While the war in Lombardy proceeded thus, giving rise to various
trifling incidents unworthy of recital, King Alfonso and the Florentines
carried on hostilities in Tuscany, but in a similarly inefficient
manner, evincing no greater talent, and incurring no greater danger.
Ferrando, the illegitimate son of Alfonso, entered the country with
twelve thousand troops, under the command of Federigo, lord of Urbino.
Their first attempt was to attack Fojano, in the Val di Chiane;
for, having the Siennese in their favor, they entered the Florentine
territory in that direction. The walls of the castle were weak, and it
was small, and consequently poorly manned, but the garrison were, among
the soldiers of that period, considered brave and faithful. Two hundred
infantry were also sent by the Signory for its defense. Before this
castle, thus provided, Ferrando sat down, and either from the valor of
its defenders or his own deficiencies, thirty-six days elapsed before
he took it. This interval enabled the city to make better provision
for places of greater importance, to collect forces and conclude more
effective arrangements than had hitherto been made. The enemy next
proceeded into the district of Chiane, where they attacked two small
towns, the property of private citizens, but could not capture them.
They then encamped before the Castellina, a fortress upon the borders
of the Chianti, within ten miles of Sienna, weak from its defective
construction, and still more so by its situation; but, notwithstanding
these defects, the assailants were compelled to retire in disgrace,
after having lain before it forty-four days. So formidable were those
armies, and so perilous those wars, that places now abandoned as
untenable were then defended as impregnable.

While Ferrando was encamped in the Chianti he made many incursions, and
took considerable booty from the Florentine territories, extending his
depredations within six miles of the city, to the great alarm and injury
of the people, who at this time, having sent their forces to the
number of eight thousand soldiers under Astorre da Faenza and Gismondo
Malatesti toward Castel di Colle, kept them at a distance from the
enemy, lest they should be compelled to an engagement; for they
considered that so long as they were not beaten in a pitched battle,
they could not be vanquished in the war generally; for small castles,
when lost, were recovered at the peace, and larger places were in no
danger, because the enemy would not venture to attack them. The king
had also a fleet of about twenty vessels, comprising galleys and smaller
craft, which lay off Pisa, and during the siege of Castellina were
moored near the Rocca di Vada, which, from the negligence of the
governor, he took, and then harassed the surrounding country. However,
this annoyance was easily removed by a few soldiers sent by the
Florentines to Campiglia, and who confined the enemy to the coast.



CHAPTER VI

Conspiracy of Stefano Porcari against the papal government--The
conspirators discovered and punished--The Florentines recover the places
they had lost--Gherardo Gambacorti, lord of Val di Bagno, endeavors
to transfer his territories to the king of Naples--Gallant conduct of
Antonio Gualandi, who counteracts the design of Gambacorti--René
of Anjou is called into Italy by the Florentines--René returns to
France--The pope endeavors to restore peace--Peace proclaimed--Jacopo
Piccinino attacks the Siennese.

The pontiff did not interfere in these affairs further than to endeavor
to bring the parties to a mutual accommodation; but while he refrained
from external wars he incurred the danger of more serious troubles at
home. Stefano Porcari was a Roman citizen, equally distinguished
for nobility of birth and extent of learning, but still more by the
excellence of his character. Like all who are in pursuit of glory, he
resolved either to perform or to attempt something worthy of memory, and
thought he could not do better than deliver his country from the hands
of the prelates, and restore the ancient form of government; hoping, in
the event of success, to be considered a new founder or second father of
the city. The dissolute manners of the priesthood, and the discontent
of the Roman barons and people, encouraged him to look for a happy
termination of his enterprise; but he derived his greatest confidence
from those verses of Petrarch in the canzone which begins, "Spirto
gentil che quelle membra reggi," where he says,--

"Sopra il Monte Tarpejo canzon vedra, Un cavalier, ch' Italia tutta
onora, Pensoso piu d'altrui, che di se stesso."

Stefano, believing poets are sometimes endowed with a divine and
prophetic spirit, thought the event must take place which Petrarch in
this canzone seemed to foretell, and that he was destined to effect the
glorious task; considering himself in learning, eloquence, friends, and
influence, superior to any other citizen of Rome. Having taken these
impressions, he had not sufficient prudence to avoid discovering his
design by his discourse, demeanor, and mode of living; so that the pope
becoming acquainted with it, in order to prevent the commission of some
rash act, banished him to Bologna and charged the governor of the city
to compel his appearance before him once every day. Stefano was
not daunted by this first check, but with even greater earnestness
prosecuted his undertaking, and, by such means as were available, more
cautiously corresponded with his friends, and often went and returned
from Rome with such celerity as to be in time to present himself
before the governor within the limit allowed for his appearance. Having
acquired a sufficient number of partisans, he determined to make the
attempt without further delay, and arranged with his friends at Rome to
provide an evening banquet, to which all the conspirators were invited,
with orders that each should bring with him his most trust-worthy
friends, and himself promised to be with him before the entertainment
was served. Everything was done according to this orders, and Stefano
Porcari arrived at the place appointed. Supper being brought in, he
entered the apartment dressed in cloth of gold, with rich ornaments
about his neck, to give him a dignified appearance and commanding
aspect. Having embraced the company, he delivered a long oration to
dispose their minds to the glorious undertaking. He then arranged the
measures to be adopted, ordering that one part of them should, on the
following morning, take possession of the pontiff's palace, and that
the other should call the people of Rome to arms. The affair came to the
knowledge of the pope the same night, some say by treachery among the
conspirators, and others that he knew of Porcari's presence at Rome. Be
this as it may, on the night of the supper Stefano, and the greater part
of his associates, were arrested, and afterward expiated their crime
by death. Thus ended his enterprise; and though some may applaud his
intentions, he must stand charged with deficiency of understanding; for
such undertakings, though possessing some slight appearance of glory,
are almost always attended with ruin.

Gherardo Gambacorti was lord of Val di Bagno, and his ancestors as well
as himself had always been in the pay or under the protection of the
Florentines. Alfonso endeavored to induce him to exchange his territory
for another in the kingdom of Naples. This became known to the
Signory, who, in order to ascertain his designs, sent an ambassador
to Gambacorti, to remind him of the obligations of his ancestors and
himself to their republic, and induce him to continue faithful to them.
Gherardo affected the greatest astonishment, assured the ambassador with
solemn oaths that no such treacherous thought had ever entered his mind,
and that he would gladly go to Florence and pledge himself for the truth
of his assertions; but being unable, from indisposition, he would send
his son as an hostage. These assurances, and the proposal with which
they were accompanied, induced the Florentines to think Gherardo had
been slandered, and that his accuser must be alike weak and treacherous.
Gherardo, however, hastened his negotiation with redoubled zeal, and
having arranged the terms, Alfonso sent Frate Puccio, a knight of
Jerusalem, with a strong body of men to the Val di Bagno, to take
possession of the fortresses and towns, the people of which, being
attached to the Florentine republic, submitted unwillingly.

Frate Puccio had already taken possession of nearly the whole territory,
except the fortress of Corzano. Gambacorti was accompanied, while
transferring his dominions, by a young Pisan of great courage and
address, named Antonio Gualandi, who, considering the whole affair, the
strength of the place, the well known bravery of the garrison, their
evident reluctance to give it up, and the baseness of Gambacorti,
at once resolved to make an effort to prevent the fulfillment of
his design; and Gherardo being at the entrance, for the purpose of
introducing the Aragonese, he pushed him out with both his hands, and
commanded the guards to shut the gate upon such a scoundrel, and hold
the fortress for the Florentine republic. When this circumstance became
known in Bagno and the neighboring places, the inhabitants took up arms
against the king's forces, and, raising the Florentine standard, drove
them out. The Florentines learning these events, imprisoned Gherardo's
son, and sent troops to Bagno for the defense of the territory, which
having hitherto been governed by its own prince, now became a vicariate.
The traitor Gherardo escaped with difficulty, leaving his wife, family,
and all his property, in the hands of those whom he had endeavored
to betray. This affair was considered by the Florentines of great
importance; for had the king succeeded in securing the territory, he
might have overrun the Val di Tavere and the Casentino at his pleasure,
and would have caused so much annoyance, that they could no longer have
allowed their whole force to act against the army of the Aragonese at
Sienna.

In addition to the preparations made by the Florentines in Italy to
resist the hostile League, they sent as ambassador, Agnolo Acciajuoli,
to request that the king of France would allow René of Anjou to enter
Italy in favor of the duke and themselves, and also, that by his
presence in the country, he might defend his friends and attempt the
recovery of the kingdom of Naples; for which purpose they offered him
assistance in men and money. While the war was proceeding in Lombardy
and Tuscany, the ambassador effected an arrangement with King René,
who promised to come into Italy during the month of June, the League
engaging to pay him thirty thousand florins upon his arrival at
Alexandria, and ten thousand per month during the continuance of the
war. In pursuance of this treaty, King René commenced his march
into Italy, but was stopped by the duke of Savoy and the marquis of
Montferrat, who, being in alliance with the Venetians, would not allow
him to pass. The Florentine ambassador advised, that in order to uphold
the influence of his friends, he should return to Provence, and conduct
part of his forces into Italy by sea, and, in the meantime, endeavor,
by the authority of the king of France, to obtain a passage for the
remainder through the territories of the duke. This plan was completely
successful; for René came into Italy by sea, and his forces, by the
mediation of the king of France, were allowed a passage through Savoy.
King René was most honorably received by Duke Francesco, and joining his
French with the Italian forces, they attacked the Venetians with so much
impetuosity, that they shortly recovered all the places which had been
taken in the Cremonese. Not content with this, they occupied nearly
the whole Brescian territory; so that the Venetians, unable to keep the
field, withdrew close to the walls of Brescia.

Winter coming on, the duke deemed it advisable to retire into quarters,
and appointed Piacenza for the forces of René, where, having passed the
whole of the cold season of 1453, without attempting anything, the duke
thought of taking the field, on the approach of spring, and stripping
the Venetians of the remainder of their possessions by land, but was
informed by the king that he was obliged of necessity to return to
France. This determination was quite new and unexpected to the duke,
and caused him the utmost concern; but though he immediately went to
dissuade René from carrying it into effect, he was unable either by
promises or entreaties to divert him from his purpose. He engaged,
however, to leave part of his forces, and send his son for the service
of the League. The Florentines were not displeased at this; for having
recovered their territories and castles, they were no longer in fear of
Alfonso, and on the other hand, they did not wish the duke to obtain any
part of Lombardy but what belonged to him. René took his departure,
and send his son John into Italy, according to his promise, who did not
remain in Lombardy, but came direct to Florence, where he was received
with the highest respect.

The king's departure made the duke desirous of peace. The Venetians,
Alfonso, and the Florentines, being all weary of the war, were similarly
disposed; and the pope continued to wish it as much as ever; for during
this year the Turkish emperor, Mohammed, had taken Constantinople and
subdued the whole of Greece. This conquest alarmed the Christians, more
especially the Venetians and the pope, who already began to fancy
the Mohammedans at their doors. The pope therefore begged the Italian
potentates to send ambassadors to himself, with authority to negotiate
a general peace, with which all complied; but when the particular
circumstances of each case came to be considered, many difficulties were
found in the war of effecting it. King Alfonso required the Florentines
to reimburse the expenses he had incurred in the war, and the
Florentines demanded some compensation from him. The Venetians thought
themselves entitled to Cremona from the duke; while he insisted upon the
restoration of Bergamo, Brescia, and Crema; so that it seemed impossible
to reconcile such conflicting claims. But what could not be effected
by a number at Rome was easily managed at Milan and Venice by two;
for while the matter was under discussion at Rome, the duke and the
Venetians came to an arrangement on the ninth of April, 1454, by virtue
of which, each party resumed what they possessed before the war, the
duke being allowed to recover from the princes of Montferrat and Savoy
the places they had taken. To the other Italian powers a month was
allowed to ratify the treaty. The pope and the Florentines, and with
them the Siennese and other minor powers, acceded to it within the time.
Besides this, the Florentines, the Venetians, and the duke concluded
a treaty of peace for twenty-five years. King Alfonso alone exhibited
dissatisfaction at what had taken place, thinking he had not been
sufficiently considered, that he stood, not on the footing of a
principal, but only ranked as an auxiliary, and therefore kept aloof,
and would not disclose his intentions. However, after receiving a legate
from the pope, and many solemn embassies from other powers, he allowed
himself to be persuaded, principally by means of the pontiff, and with
his son joined the League for thirty years. The duke and the king also
contracted a twofold relationship and double marriage, each giving a
daughter to a son of the other. Notwithstanding this, that Italy might
still retain the seeds of war, Alfonso would not consent to the peace,
unless the League would allow him, without injury to themselves, to make
war upon the Genoese, Gismondo Malatesti, and Astorre, prince of Faenza.
This being conceded, his son Ferrando, who was at Sienna, returned to
the kingdom, having by his coming into Tuscany acquired no dominion and
lost a great number of his men.

Upon the establishment of a general peace, the only apprehension
entertained was, that it would be disturbed by the animosity of Alfonso
against the Genoese; yet it happened otherwise. The king, indeed, did
not openly infringe the peace, but it was frequently broken by the
ambition of the mercenary troops. The Venetians, as usual on the
conclusion of a war, had discharged Jacopo Piccinino, who with some
other unemployed condottieri, marched into Romagna, thence into the
Siennese, and halting in the country, took possession of many places.
At the commencement of these disturbances, and the beginning of the year
1455, Pope Nicholas died, and was succeeded by Calixtus III., who, to
put a stop to the war newly broken out so near home, immediately sent
Giovanni Ventimiglia, his general, with what forces he could furnish.
These being joined by the troops of the Florentines and the duke of
Milan, both of whom furnished assistance, attacked Jacopo, near Bolsena,
and though Ventimiglia was taken prisoner, yet Jacopo was worsted, and
retreated in disorder to Castiglione della Pescaia, where, had he
not been assisted by Alfonso, his force would have been completely
annihilated. This made it evident that Jacopo's movement had been
made by order of Alfonso, and the latter, as if palpably detected, to
conciliate his allies, after having almost alienated them with this
unimportant war, ordered Jacopo to restore to the Siennese the places he
had taken, and they gave him twenty thousand florins by way of ransom,
after which he and his forces were received into the kingdom of Naples.



CHAPTER VII

Christendom alarmed by the progress of the Turks--The Turks routed
before Belgrade--Description of a remarkable hurricane--War against
the Genoese and Gismondo Malatesti--Genoa submits to the king
of France--Death of Alfonso king of Naples--Succeeded by his son
Ferrando--The pope designs to give the kingdom of Naples to his nephew
Piero Lodovico Borgia--Eulogy of Pius II.--Disturbances in Genoa between
John of Anjou and the Fregosi--The Fregosi subdued--John attacks
the kingdom of Naples--Ferrando king of Naples routed--Ferrando
reinstated--The Genoese cast off the French yoke--John of Anjou routed
in the kingdom of Naples.

The pope, though anxious to restrain Jacopo Piccinino, did not neglect
to make provision for the defense of Christendom, which seemed in danger
from the Turks. He sent ambassadors and preachers into every Christian
country, to exhort princes and people to arm in defense of their
religion, and with their persons and property to contribute to the
enterprise against the common enemy. In Florence, large sums were
raised, and many citizens bore the mark of a red cross upon their dress
to intimate their readiness to become soldiers of the faith. Solemn
processions were made, and nothing was neglected either in public or
private, to show their willingness to be among the most forward to
assist the enterprise with money, counsel, or men. But the eagerness
for this crusade was somewhat abated, by learning that the Turkish army,
being at the siege of Belgrade, a strong city and fortress in Hungary,
upon the banks of the Danube, had been routed and the emperor wounded;
so that the alarm felt by the pope and all Christendom, on the loss
of Constantinople, having ceased to operate, they proceeded with
deliberately with their preparations for war; and in Hungary their
zeal was cooled through the death of Giovanni Corvini the Waiwode, who
commanded the Hungarian forces on that memorable occasion, and fell in
the battle.

To return to the affairs of Italy. In the year 1456, the disturbances
occasioned by Jacopo Piccinino having subsided, and human weapons
laid aside, the heavens seemed to make war against the earth; dreadful
tempestuous winds then occurring, which produced effects unprecedented
in Tuscany, and which to posterity will appear marvelous and
unaccountable. On the twenty-fourth of August, about an hour before
daybreak, there arose from the Adriatic near Ancona, a whirlwind, which
crossing from east to west, again reached the sea near Pisa, accompanied
by thick clouds, and the most intense and impenetrable darkness,
covering a breadth of about two miles in the direction of its course.
Under some natural or supernatural influence, this vast and overcharged
volume of condensed vapor burst; its fragments contended with
indescribable fury, and huge bodies sometimes ascending toward heaven,
and sometimes precipitated upon the earth, struggled, as it were,
in mutual conflict, whirling in circles with intense velocity, and
accompanied by winds, impetuous beyond all conception; while flashes of
awful brilliancy, and murky, lurid flames incessantly broke forth.
From these confused clouds, furious winds, and momentary fires, sounds
issued, of which no earthquake or thunder ever heard could afford the
least idea; striking such awe into all, that it was thought the end
of the world had arrived, that the earth, waters, heavens, and entire
universe, mingling together, were being resolved into their ancient
chaos. Wherever this awful tempest passed, it produced unprecedented and
marvelous effects; but these were more especially experienced near the
castle of St. Casciano, about eight miles from Florence, upon the hill
which separates the valleys of Pisa and Grieve. Between this castle and
the Borgo St. Andrea, upon the same hill, the tempest passed without
touching the latter, and in the former, only threw down some of the
battlements and the chimneys of a few houses; but in the space between
them, it leveled many buildings quite to the ground. The roofs of the
churches of St. Martin, at Bagnolo, and Santa Maria della Pace, were
carried more than a mile, unbroken as when upon their respective
edifices. A muleteer and his beasts were driven from the road into the
adjoining valley, and found dead. All the large oaks and lofty trees
which could not bend beneath its influence, were not only stripped of
their branches but borne to a great distance from the places where
they grew, and when the tempest had passed over and daylight made the
desolation visible, the inhabitants were transfixed with dismay. The
country had lost all its habitable character; churches and dwellings
were laid in heaps; nothing was heard but the lamentations of those
whose possessions had perished, or whose cattle or friends were buried
beneath the ruins; and all who witnessed the scene were filled with
anguish or compassion. It was doubtless the design of the Omnipotent,
rather to threaten Tuscany than to chastise her; for had the hurricane
been directed over the city, filled with houses and inhabitants,
instead of proceeding among oaks and elms, or small and thinly scattered
dwellings, it would have been such a scourge as the mind, with all its
ideas of horror, could not have conceived. But the Almighty desired
that this slight example should suffice to recall the minds of men to a
knowledge of himself and of his power.

To return to our history. King Alfonso was dissatisfied with the peace,
and as the war which he had unnecessarily caused Jacopo Piccinino to
make against the Siennese, had produced no important result, he resolved
to try what could be done against those whom the conditions of the
League permitted him to attack. He therefore, in the year 1456, assailed
the Genoese, both by sea and by land, designing to deprive the Fregosi
of the government and restore the Adorni. At the same time, he ordered
Jacopo Piccinino to cross the Tronto, and attack Gismondo Malatesti,
who, having fortified his territories, did not concern himself, and this
part of the king's enterprise produced no effect; but his proceedings
against Genoa occasioned more wars against himself and his kingdom than
he could have wished. Piero Fregoso was then doge of Genoa, and doubting
his ability to sustain the attack of the king, he determined to give
what he could not hold, to some one who might defend it against his
enemies, in hope, that at a future period, he should obtain a return for
the benefit conferred. He therefore sent ambassadors to Charles VII. of
France, and offered him the government of Genoa. Charles accepted the
offer, and sent John of Anjou, the son of King René, who had a short
time previously left Florence and returned to France, to take possession
with the idea, that he, having learned the manners and customs of Italy,
would be able to govern the city; and also that this might give him an
opportunity of undertaking the conquest of Naples, of which René, John's
father, had been deprived by Alfonso. John, therefore, proceeded to
Genoa, where he was received as prince, and the fortresses, both of the
city and the government, given up to him. This annoyed Alfonso, with the
fear that he had brought upon himself too powerful an enemy. He was not,
however, dismayed; but pursued his enterprise vigorously, and had led
his fleet to Porto, below Villamarina, when he died after a sudden
illness, and thus John and the Genoese were relieved from the war.
Ferrando, who succeeded to the kingdom of his father Alfonso, became
alarmed at having so powerful an enemy in Italy, and was doubtful of
the disposition of many of his barons, who being desirous of change, he
feared would take part with the French. He was also apprehensive of
the pope, whose ambition he well knew, and who seeing him new in the
government, might design to take it from him. He had no hope except
from the duke of Milan, who entertained no less anxiety concerning the
affairs of the kingdom than Ferrando; for he feared that if the French
were to obtain it, they would endeavor to annex his own dominions; which
he knew they considered to be rightfully their own. He, therefore, soon
after the death of Alfonso, sent letters and forces to Ferrando; the
latter to give him aid and influence, the former to encourage him with
an intimation that he would not, under any circumstances, forsake him.
The pontiff intended, after the death of Alfonso, to give the kingdom
of Naples to his nephew Piero Lodovico Borgia, and, to furnish a decent
pretext for his design and obtain the concurrence of the powers of Italy
in its favor he signified a wish to restore that realm to the dominion
of the church of Rome; and therefore persuaded the duke not to assist
Ferrando. But in the midst of these views and opening enterprises,
Calixtus died, and Pius II. of Siennese origin, of the family of the
Piccolomini, and by name Æneas, succeeded to the pontificate. This
pontiff, free from the ties of private interest, having no object but to
benefit Christendom and honor the church, at the duke's entreaty crowned
Ferrando king of Naples; judging it easier to establish peace if the
kingdom remained in the hands which at present held it, than if he were
to favor the views of the French, or, as Calixtus purposed, take it for
himself. Ferrando, in acknowledgment of the benefit, created Antonio,
one of the pope's nephews, prince of Malfi, gave him an illegitimate
daughter of his own in marriage, and restored Benevento and Terracina to
the church.

It thus appeared that the internal dissensions of Italy might be
quelled, and the pontiff prepared to induce the powers of Christendom
to unite in an enterprise against the Turks (as Calixtus had previously
designed) when differences arose between the Fregosi and John of Anjou,
the lord of Genoa, which occasioned greater and more important wars than
those recently concluded. Pietrino Fregoso was at his castle of Riviera,
and thought he had not been rewarded by John in proportion to his
family's merits; for it was by their means the latter had become prince
of the city. This impression drove the parties into open enmity; a
circumstance gratifying to Ferrando, who saw in it relief from his
troubles, and the sole means of procuring his safety: he therefore
assisted Pietrino with money and men, trusting to drive John out of the
Genoese territory. The latter being aware of his design, sent for aid
to France; and, on obtaining it, attacked Pietrino, who, through his
numerous friends, entertained the strongest assurance of success; so
that John was compelled to keep within the city, into which Pietrino
having entered by night, took possession of some parts of it; but upon
the return of day, his people were all either slain or made prisoners by
John's troops, and he himself was found among the dead.

This victory gave John hopes of recovering the kingdom; and in October,
1459, he sailed thither from Genoa, with a powerful fleet, and landed
at Baia; whence he proceeded to Sessa, by the duke of which place he was
favorably received. The prince of Taranto, the Aquilani, with several
cities and other princes, also joined him; so that a great part of the
kingdom fell into his hands. On this Ferrando applied for assistance
to the pope and the duke of Milan; and, to diminish the number of his
enemies, made peace with Gismondo Malatesti, which gave so much offense
to Jacopo Piccinino, the hereditary enemy of Gismondo, that he resigned
his command under Ferrando, and joined his rival. Ferrando also sent
money to Federigo, lord of Urbino, and collected with all possible speed
what was in those times considered a tolerable army; which, meeting the
enemy upon the river Sarni, an engagement ensued in which Ferrando was
routed, and many of his principal officers taken. After this defeat, the
city of Naples alone, with a few smaller places and princes of inferior
note, adhered to Ferrando, the greater part having submitted to John.
Jacopo Piccinino, after the victory, advised an immediate march upon
Naples; but John declined this, saying, he would first reduce the
remainder of the kingdom, and then attack the seat of government. This
resolution occasioned the failure of his enterprise; for he did not
consider how much more easily the members follow the head than the head
the members.

After his defeat, Ferrando took refuge in Naples, whither the scattered
remnants of his people followed him; and by soliciting his friends, he
obtained money and a small force. He sent again for assistance to the
pope and the duke, by both of whom he was supplied more liberally
and speedily than before; for they began to entertain most serious
apprehensions of his losing the kingdom. His hopes were thus revived;
and, marching from Naples, he regained his reputation in his dominions,
and soon obtained the places of which he had been deprived. While the
war was proceeding in the kingdom, a circumstance occurred by which
John of Anjou lost his influence, and all chance of success in
the enterprise. The Genoese had become so weary of the haughty and
avaricious dominion of the French, that they took arms against the
viceroy, and compelled him to seek refuge in the castelletto; the
Fregosi and the Adorni united in the enterprise against him, and were
assisted with money and troops by the duke of Milan, both for the
recovery and preservation of the government. At the same time, King René
coming with a fleet to the assistance of his son, and hoping to recover
Genoa by means of the castelletto, upon landing his forces was so
completely routed, that he was compelled to return in disgrace to
Provence. When the news of his father's defeat reached Naples, John was
greatly alarmed, but continued the war for a time by the assistance of
those barons who, being rebels, knew they would obtain no terms from
Ferrando. At length, after various trifling occurrences, the two royal
armies came to an engagement, in which John was routed near Troia, in
the year 1463. He was, however, less injured by his defeat than by the
desertion of Jacopo Piccinino, who joined Ferrando; and, being abandoned
by his troops, he was compelled to take refuge in Istria, and thence
withdrew to France. This war continued four years. John's failure was
attributable to negligence; for victory was often within his grasp,
but he did not take proper means to secure it. The Florentines took no
decisive part in this war. John, king of Aragon, who succeeded upon the
death of Alfonso, sent ambassadors to request their assistance for his
nephew Ferrando, in compliance with the terms of the treaty recently
made with his father Alfonso. The Florentines replied, that they were
under no obligation; that they did not think proper to assist the son
in a war commenced by the father with his own forces; and that as it was
begun without either their counsel or knowledge, it must be continued
and concluded without their help. The ambassadors affirmed the
engagement to be binding on the Florentines, and themselves to be
answerable for the event of the war; and then in great anger left the
city.

Thus with regard to external affairs, the Florentines continued
tranquil during this war; but the case was otherwise with their domestic
concerns, as will be particularly shown in the following book.