# Book IV

CHAPTER I

License and Slavery peculiar defects in republican
governments--Application of this reflection to the state of
Florence--Giovanni di Bicci di' Medici re-establishes the authority of
his family--Filippo Visconti, duke of Milan, endeavors to make amicable
arrangements with the Florentines--Their jealousy of him--Precautionary
measures against him--War declared--The Florentines are routed by the
ducal forces.

Republican governments, more especially those imperfectly organized,
frequently change their rulers and the form of their institutions; not
by the influence of liberty or subjection, as many suppose, but by
that of slavery and license; for with the nobility or the people, the
ministers respectively of slavery or licentiousness, only the name of
liberty is in any estimation, neither of them choosing to be subject
either to magistrates or laws. When, however, a good, wise, and powerful
citizen appears (which is but seldom), who establishes ordinances
capable of appeasing or restraining these contending dispositions, so as
to prevent them from doing mischief, then the government may be called
free, and its institutions firm and secure; for having good laws for its
basis, and good regulations for carrying them into effect, it needs
not, like others, the virtue of one man for its maintenance. With such
excellent laws and institutions, many of those ancient republics, which
were of long duration, were endowed. But these advantages are, and
always have been, denied to those which frequently change from tyranny
to license, or the reverse; because, from the powerful enemies which
each condition creates itself, they neither have, nor can possess any
stability; for tyranny cannot please the good, and license is offensive
to the wise: the former may easily be productive of mischief, while the
latter can scarcely be beneficial; in the former, the insolent have too
much authority, and in the latter, the foolish; so that each requires
for their welfare the virtue and the good fortune of some individual who
may be removed by death, or become unserviceable by misfortune.

Hence, it appears, that the government which commenced in Florence at
the death of Giorgio Scali, in 1381, was first sustained by the talents
of Maso degli Albizzi, and then by those of Niccolo da Uzzano. The city
remained tranquil from 1414 to 1422; for King Ladislaus was dead, and
Lombardy divided into several parts; so that there was nothing either
internal or external to occasion uneasiness. Next to Niccolo da Uzzano
in authority, were Bartolomeo Valori, Neroni di Nigi, Rinaldo degli
Albizzi, Neri di Gino, and Lapo Niccolini. The factions that arose from
the quarrels of the Albizzi and the Ricci, and which were afterward so
unhappily revived by Salvestro de' Medici, were never extinguished; for
though the party most favored by the rabble only continued three
years, and in 1381 was put down, still, as it comprehended the greatest
numerical proportion, it was never entirely extinct, though the frequent
Balias and persecutions of its leaders from 1381 to 1400, reduced it
almost to nothing. The first families that suffered in this way were the
Alberti, the Ricci, and the Medici, which were frequently deprived both
of men and money; and if any of them remained in the city, they were
deprived of the honors of government. These oft-repeated acts of
oppression humiliated the faction, and almost annihilated it. Still,
many retained the remembrance of the injuries they had received, and
a desire of vengeance remained pent in their bosoms, ungratified and
unquenched. Those nobles of the people, or new nobility, who peaceably
governed the city, committed two errors, which eventually caused the
ruin of their party; the first was, that by long continuance in power
they became insolent; the second, that the envy they entertained toward
each other, and their uninterrupted possession of power, destroyed that
vigilance over those who might injure them, which they ought to have
exercised. Thus daily renewing the hatred of a mass of the people by
their sinister proceedings, and either negligent of the threatened
dangers, because rendered fearless by prosperity, or encouraging them
through mutual envy, they gave an opportunity to the family of the
Medici to recover their influence. The first to do so was Giovanni di
Bicci de' Medici, who having become one of the richest men, and being of
a humane and benevolent disposition, obtained the supreme magistracy
by the consent of those in power. This circumstance gave so much
gratification to the mass of the people (the multitude thinking they had
now found a defender), that not without occasion the judicious of the
party observed it with jealousy, for they perceived all the former
feelings of the city revived. Niccolo da Uzzano did not fail to acquaint
the other citizens with the matter, explaining to them how dangerous it
was to aggrandize one who possessed so much influence; that it was easy
to remedy an evil at its commencement, but exceedingly difficult after
having allowed it to gather strength; and that Giovanni possessed
several qualities far surpassing those of Salvestro. The associates of
Niccolo were uninfluenced by his remarks; for they were jealous of his
reputation, and desired to exalt some person, by means of whom he might
be humbled.

This was the state of Florence, in which opposing feelings began to
be observable, when Filippo Visconti, second son of Giovanni Galeazzo,
having, by the death of his brother, become master of all Lombardy, and
thinking he might undertake almost anything, greatly desired to recover
Genoa, which enjoyed freedom under the Dogiate of Tommaso da Campo
Fregoso. He did not think it advisable to attempt this, or any other
enterprise, till he had renewed amicable relations with the Florentines,
and made his good understanding with them known; but with the aid of
their reputation he trusted he should attain his wishes. He therefore
sent ambassadors to Florence to signify his desires. Many citizens were
opposed to his design, but did not wish to interrupt the peace with
Milan, which had now continued for many years. They were fully aware of
the advantages he would derive from a war with Genoa, and the little use
it would be to Florence. Many others were inclined to accede to it, but
would set a limit to his proceedings, which, if he were to exceed, all
would perceive his base design, and thus they might, when the treaty was
broken, more justifiably make war against him. The question having been
strongly debated, an amicable arrangement was at length effected, by
which Filippo engaged not to interfere with anything on the Florentine
side of the rivers Magra and Panaro.

Soon after the treaty was concluded, the duke took possession of
Brescia, and shortly afterward of Genoa, contrary to the expectation
of those who had advocated peace; for they thought Brescia would be
defended by the Venetians, and Genoa would be able to defend herself.
And as in the treaty which Filippo made with the Doge of Genoa, he had
acquired Serezana and other places situated on this side the Magra, upon
condition that, if he wished to alienate them, they should be given to
the Genoese, it was quite palpable that he had broken the treaty; and he
had, besides, entered into another treaty with the legate of Bologna,
in opposition to his engagement respecting the Panaro. These things
disturbed the minds of the citizens, and made them, apprehensive of new
troubles, consider the means to be adopted for their defense.

The dissatisfaction of the Florentines coming to the knowledge of
Filippo, he, either to justify himself, or to become acquainted with
their prevailing feelings, or to lull them to repose, sent ambassadors
to the city, to intimate that he was greatly surprised at the suspicions
they entertained, and offered to revoke whatever he had done that could
be thought a ground of jealousy. This embassy produced no other
effect than that of dividing the citizens; one party, that in greatest
reputation, judged it best to arm, and prepare to frustrate the enemy's
designs; and if he were to remain quiet, it would not be necessary to go
to war with him, but an endeavor might be made to preserve peace. Many
others, whether envious of those in power, or fearing a rupture with the
duke, considered it unadvisable so lightly to entertain suspicions of
an ally, and thought his proceedings need not have excited so much
distrust; that appointing the ten and hiring forces was in itself a
manifest declaration of war, which, if undertaken against so great a
prince, would bring certain ruin upon the city without the hope of any
advantage; for possession could never be retained of the conquests that
might be made, because Romagna lay between, and the vicinity of the
church ought to prevent any attempt against Romagna itself. However the
views of those who were in favor of war prevailed, the Council of Ten
were appointed, forces were hired, and new taxes levied, which, as they
were more burdensome upon the lower than the upper ranks, filled the
city with complaints, and all condemned the ambition and avarice of the
great, declaring that, to gratify themselves and oppress the people,
they would go to war without any justifiable motive.

They had not yet come to an open rupture with the duke, but everything
tended to excite suspicion; for Filippo had, at the request of the
legate of Bologna (who was in fear of Antonio Bentivogli, an emigrant
of Bologna at Castel Bolognese), sent forces to that city, which,
being close upon the Florentine territory, filled the citizens with
apprehension; but what gave every one greater alarm, and offered
sufficient occasion for the declaration of war, was the expedition made
by the duke against Furli. Giorgio Ordelaffi was lord of Furli, who
dying, left Tibaldo, his son, under the guardianship of Filippo. The
boy's mother, suspicious of his guardian, sent him to Lodovico Alidossi,
her father, who was lord of Imola, but she was compelled by the people
of Furli to obey the will of her deceased husband, to withdraw him from
the natural guardian, and place him in the hands of the duke. Upon
this Filippo, the better to conceal his purpose, caused the Marquis of
Ferrara to send Guido Torello as his agent, with forces, to seize the
government of Furli, and thus the territory fell into the duke's hands.
When this was known at Florence, together with the arrival of forces at
Bologna, the arguments in favor of war were greatly strengthened, but
there were still many opposed to it, and among the rest Giovanni de'
Medici, who publicly endeavored to show, that even if the ill designs of
the duke were perfectly manifest, it would still be better to wait and
let him commence the attack, than to assail him; for in the former case
they would be justified in the view of the princes of Italy as well as
in their own; but if they were to strike the first blow at the duke,
public opinion would be as favorable to him as to themselves; and
besides, they could not so confidently demand assistance as assailants,
as they might do if assailed; and that men always defend themselves more
vigorously when they attack others. The advocates of war considered it
improper to await the enemy in their houses, and better to go and seek
him; that fortune is always more favorable to assailants than to such
as merely act on the defensive, and that it is less injurious, even when
attended with greater immediate expense, to make war at another's door
than at our own. These views prevailed, and it was resolved that the ten
should provide all the means in their power for rescuing Furli from the
hands of the duke.

Filippo, finding the Florentines resolved to occupy the places he had
undertaken to defend, postponed all personal considerations, and sent
Agnolo della Pergola with a strong force against Imola, that Ludovico,
having to provide for the defense of his own possessions, might be
unable to protect the interests of his grandson. Agnolo approached Imola
while the forces of the Florentines were at Modigliana, and an intense
frost having rendered the ditches of the city passable, he crossed them
during the night, captured the place, and sent Lodovico a prisoner to
Milan. The Florentines finding Imola in the hands of the enemy, and the
war publicly known, sent their forces to Furli and besieged it on all
sides. That the duke's people might not relieve it, they hired Count
Alberigo, who from Zagonara, his own domain, overran the country daily,
up to the gates of Imola. Agnolo della Pergola, finding the strong
position which the Florentines had taken prevented him from relieving
Furli, determined to attempt the capture of Zagonara, thinking they
would not allow that place to be lost, and that in the endeavor to
relieve it they would be compelled to give up their design against
Furli, and come to an engagement under great disadvantage. Thus the
duke's people compelled Alberigo to sue for terms, which he obtained on
condition of giving up Zagonara, if the Florentines did not relieve him
within fifteen days. This misfortune being known in the Florentine camp
and in the city, and all being anxious that the enemy should not obtain
the expected advantage, they enabled him to secure a greater; for
having abandoned the siege of Furli to go to the relief of Zagonara, on
encountering the enemy they were soon routed, not so much by the bravery
of their adversaries as by the severity of the season; for, having
marched many hours through deep mud and heavy rain, they found the enemy
quite fresh, and were therefore easily vanquished. Nevertheless, in
this great defeat, famous throughout all Italy, no death occurred except
those of Lodovico degli Obizi and two of his people, who having fallen
from their horses were drowned in the morass.



CHAPTER II

The Florentines murmur against those who had been advocates of the
war--Rinaldo degli Albizzi encourages the citizens--Measures for the
prosecution of the war--Attempt of the higher classes to deprive the
plebeians of their share in the government--Rinaldo degli Albizzi
addresses an assembly of citizens and advises the restoration of the
_Grandi_--Niccolo da Uzzano wishes to have Giovanni de' Medici on their
side--Giovanni disapproves of the advice of Rinaldo degli Albizzi.

The defeat at Zagonara spread consternation throughout Florence; but
none felt it so severely as the nobility, who had been in favor of the
war; for they perceived their enemies to be inspirited and themselves
disarmed, without friends, and opposed by the people, who at the corners
of streets insulted them with sarcastic expressions, complaining of the
heavy taxes, and the unnecessary war, and saying, "Oh! they appointed
the ten to frighten the enemy. Have they relieved Furli, and rescued her
from the hands of the duke? No! but their designs have been discovered;
and what had they in view? not the defense of liberty; for they do not
love her; but to aggrandize their own power, which God has very justly
abated. This is not the only enterprise by many a one with which they
have oppressed the city; for the war against King Ladislaus was of a
similar kind. To whom will they flee for assistance now? to Pope Martin,
whom they ridiculed before the face of Braccio; or to Queen Giovanna,
whom they abandoned, and compelled to throw herself under the protection
of the king of Aragon?" To these reproaches was added all that might be
expected from an enraged multitude.

Seeing the discontent so prevalent, the Signory resolved to assemble
a few citizens, and with soft words endeavor to soothe the popular
irritation. On this occasion, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, the eldest son of
Maso, who, by his own talents and the respect he derived from the memory
of his father, aspired to the first offices in the government, spoke at
great length; showing that it is not right to judge of actions merely
by their effects; for it often happens that what has been very maturely
considered is attended with unfavorable results: that if we are to
applaud evil counsels because they are sometimes followed by fortunate
events, we should only encourage men in error which would bring great
mischief upon the republic; because evil counsel is not always attended
with happy consequences. In the same way, it would be wrong to blame
a wise resolution, because if its being attended with an unfavorable
issue; for by so doing, we should destroy the inclination of citizens
to offer advice and speak the truth. He then showed the propriety
of undertaking the war; and that if it had not been commenced by the
Florentines in Romagna the duke would have assailed them in Tuscany. But
since it had pleased God, that the Florentine people should be overcome,
their loss would be still greater if they allowed themselves to be
dejected; but if they set a bold front against adversity, and made good
use of the means within their power, they would not be sensible of their
loss or the duke of his victory. He assured them they ought not to
be alarmed by impending expenses and consequent taxation; because the
latter might be reduced, and the future expense would not be so great as
the former had been; for less preparation is necessary for those engaged
in self-defense than for those who design to attack others. He advised
them to imitate the conduct of their forefathers, who, by courageous
conduct in adverse circumstances, had defended themselves against all
their enemies.

Thus encouraged, the citizens engaged Count Oddo the son of Braccio,
and united with him, for directing the operations of the war, Niccolo
Piccinino, a pupil of his father's, and one of the most celebrated of
all who had served under him. To these they added other leaders, and
remounted some of those who had lost their horses in the late defeat.
They also appointed twenty citizens to levy new taxes, who finding the
great quite subdued by the recent loss, took courage and drained them
without mercy.

These burdens were very grievous to the nobility, who at first, in order
to conciliate, did not complain of their own particular hardships, but
censured the tax generally as unjust, and advised that something should
be done in the way of relief; but their advice was rejected in the
Councils. Therefore, to render the law as offensive as possible, and to
make all sensible of its injustice, they contrived that the taxes should
be levied with the utmost rigor, and made it lawful to kill any that
might resist the officers employed to collect them. Hence followed many
lamentable collisions, attended with the blood and death of citizens. It
began to be the impression of all, that arms would be resorted to, and
all prudent persons apprehended some approaching evil; for the higher
ranks, accustomed to be treated with respect, could not endure to be
used like dogs; and the rest were desirous that the taxation should be
equalized. In consequence of this state of things, many of the first
citizens met together, and it was resolved that it had become necessary
for their safety, that some attempt should be made to recover the
government; since their want of vigilance had encouraged men to censure
public actions, and allowed those to interfere in affairs who had
hitherto been merely the leaders of the rabble. Having repeatedly
discussed the subject, they resolved to meet again at an appointed hour,
when upwards of seventy citizens assembled in the church of St. Stephen,
with the permission of Lorenzo Ridolfi and Francesco Gianfigliazzi, both
members of the Signory. Giovanni de' Medici was not among them either
because being under suspicion he was not invited or that entertaining
different views he was unwilling to interfere.

Rinaldo degli Albizzi addressed the assembly, describing the condition
of the city, and showing how by their own negligence it had again fallen
under the power of the plebeians, from whom it had been wrested by their
fathers in 1381. He reminded them of the iniquity of the government
which was in power from 1378 to 1381, and that all who were then present
had to lament, some a father, others a grandfather, put to death by its
tyranny. He assured them they were now in the same danger, and that the
city was sinking under the same disorders. The multitude had already
imposed a tax of its own authority; and would soon, if not restrained
by greater force or better regulations, appoint the magistrates, who, in
this case, would occupy their places, and overturn the government which
for forty-two years had ruled the city with so much glory; the citizens
would then be subject to the will of the multitude, and live disorderly
and dangerous, or be under the command of some individual who might make
himself prince. For these reasons he was of opinion, that whoever loved
his country and his honor must arouse himself, and call to mind the
virtue of Bardo Mancini, who, by the ruin of the Alberti, rescued the
city from the dangers then impending; and that the cause of the audacity
now assumed by the multitude was the extensive Squittini or Pollings,
which, by their negligence, were allowed to be made; for thus the palace
had become filled with low men. He therefore concluded, that the
only means of remedying the evil was to restore the government to the
nobility, and diminish the authority of the minor trades by reducing the
companies from fourteen to seven, which would give the plebeians less
authority in the Councils, both by the reduction in their number and
by increasing the authority of the great; who, on account of former
enmities, would be disinclined to favor them. He added, that it is
a good thing to know how to avail themselves of men according to the
times; and that as their fathers had used the plebeians to reduce the
influence of the great, that now, the great having been humbled, and the
plebeians become insolent, it was well to restrain the insolence of
the latter by the assistance of the former. To effect this they might
proceed either openly or otherwise, for some of them belonging to the
Council of Ten, forces might be led into the city without exciting
observation.

Rinaldo was much applauded, and his advice was approved of by the whole
assembly. Niccolo da Uzzano who, among others, replied to it, said, "All
that Rinaldo had advanced was correct, and the remedies he proposed good
and certain, if they could be adopted without an absolute division
of the city; and this he had no doubt would be effected if they could
induce Giovanni de' Medici to join them; for with him on their side,
the multitude being deprived of their chief and stay, would be unable
to oppose them; but that if he did not concur with them they could do
nothing without arms, and that with them they would incur the risk of
being vanquished, or of not being able to reap the fruit of victory." He
then modestly reminded them of what he had said upon a former occasion,
and of their reluctance to remedy the evil when it might easily have
been done; that now the same remedy could not be attempted without
incurring the danger of greater evils, and therefore there was nothing
left for them to do but to gain him over to their side, if practicable.
Rinaldo was then commissioned to wait upon Giovanni and try if he could
induce him to join them.

He undertook this commission, and in the most prevailing words he could
make use of endeavored to induce him to coincide with their views; and
begged that he would not by favoring an audacious mob, enable them to
complete the ruin both of the government and the city. To this Giovanni
replied, that he considered it the duty of a good and wise citizen to
avoid altering the institutions to which a city is accustomed; there
being nothing so injurious to the people as such a change; for many are
necessarily offended, and where there are several discontented, some
unpropitious event may be constantly apprehended. He said it appeared to
him that their resolution would have two exceedingly pernicious effects;
the one conferring honors on those who, having never possessed them,
esteemed them the less, and therefore had the less occasion to grieve
for their absence; the other taking them from those who being accustomed
to their possession would never be at rest till they were restored to
them. It would thus be evident that the injury done to one party, was
greater than the benefit they had conferred upon the other; so that
whoever was the author of the proposition, he would gain few friends and
make many enemies, and that the latter would be more resolutely bent
on injuring him than the former would be zealous for his defense, for
mankind are naturally more disposed to revenge than to gratitude, as
if the latter could only be exercised with some inconvenience to
themselves, while the former brings alike gratification and profit.
Then, directing his discourse more particularly to Rinaldo, he said,
"And you, if you could call to mind past events, and knew how craftily
affairs are conducted in this city, would not be so eager in this
pursuit; for he who advises it, when by your aid he has wrested the
power from the people, will, with the people's assistance, who will have
become your enemies, deprive you of it. And it will happen to you as
to Benedetto Alberti, who, at the persuasion of those who were not his
friends, consented to the ruin of Giorgio Scali and Tommaso Strozzi, and
shortly afterward was himself sent into exile by the very same men." He
therefore advised Rinaldo to think more maturely of these things, and
endeavor to imitate his father, who, to obtain the benevolence of all,
reduced the price of salt, provided that whoever owed taxes under half
a florin should be at liberty to pay them or not, as he thought proper,
and that at the meeting of the Councils every one should be free from
the importunities of his creditors. He concluded by saying, that as
regarded himself, he was disposed to let the government of the city
remain as it was.



CHAPTER III

Giovanni de' Medici acquires the favor of the people--Bravery of Biaggio
del Melano--Baseness of Zanobi del Pino--The Florentines obtain the
friendship of the lord of Faenza--League of the Florentines with the
Venetians--Origin of the Catasto--The rich citizens discontented with
it--Peace with the duke of Milan--New disturbances on account of the
Catasto.

These events, and the circumstances attending them, becoming known to
the people, contributed greatly to increase the reputation of Giovanni,
and brought odium on those who had made the proposals; but he assumed an
appearance of indifference, in order to give less encouragement to
those who by his influence were desirous of change. In his discourse he
intimated to every one that it is not desirable to promote factions, but
rather to extinguish them; and that whatever might be expected of him,
he only sought the union of the city. This, however, gave offense to
many of his party; for they would have rather seen him exhibit greater
activity. Among others so disposed, was Alamanno de' Medici, who being
of a restless disposition, never ceased exciting him to persecute
enemies and favor friends; condemning his coldness and slow method
of proceeding, which he said was the cause of his enemies' practicing
against him, and that these practices would one day effect the ruin of
himself and his friends. He endeavored to excite Cosmo, his son, with
similar discourses; but Giovanni, for all that was either disclosed or
foretold him, remained unmoved, although parties were now declared, and
the city in manifest disunion.

There were at the palace, in the service of the Signory, two
chancellors, Ser Martino and Ser Pagolo. The latter favored the party
of Niccolo da Uzzano, the former that of Giovanni; and Rinaldo, seeing
Giovanni unwilling to join them, thought it would be advisable to
deprive Ser Martino of his office, that he might have the palace
more completely under his control. The design becoming known to his
adversaries, Ser Martino was retained and Ser Pagolo discharged, to the
great injury and displeasure of Rinaldo and his party. This circumstance
would soon have produced most mischievous effects, but for the war
with which the city was threatened, and the recent defeat suffered at
Zagonara, which served to check the audacity of the people; for while
these events were in progress at Florence, Agnolo della Pergola, with
the forces of the duke, had taken all the towns and cities possessed
by the Florentines in Romagna, except Castracaro and Modigliano; partly
from the weakness of the places themselves, and partly by the misconduct
of those who had the command of them. In the course of the campaign, two
instances occurred which served to show how greatly courage is admired
even in enemies, and how much cowardice and pusillanimity are despised.

Biaggio del Melano was castellan in the fortress of Monte Petroso. Being
surrounded by enemies, and seeing no chance of saving the place, which
was already in flames, he cast clothes and straw from a part which was
not yet on fire, and upon these he threw his two little children, saying
to the enemy, "Take to yourselves those goods which fortune has bestowed
upon me, and of which you may deprive me; but those of the mind, in
which my honor and glory consist, I will not give up, neither can you
wrest them from me." The besiegers ran to save the children, and placed
for their father ropes and ladders, by which to save himself, but he
would not use them, and rather chose to die in the flames than owe his
safety to the enemies of his country: an example worthy of that much
lauded antiquity, which offers nothing to surpass it, and which we
admire the more from the rarity of any similar occurrence. Whatever
could be recovered from the ruins, was restored for the use of the
children, and carefully conveyed to their friends; nor was the republic
less grateful; for as long as they lived, they were supported at her
charge.

An example of an opposite character occurred at Galeata, where Zanobi
del Pino was governor; he, without offering the least resistance, gave
up the fortress to the enemy; and besides this, advised Agnolo della
Pergola to leave the Alps of Romagna, and come among the smaller hills
of Tuscany, where he might carry on the war with less danger and greater
advantage. Agnolo could not endure the mean and base spirit of this man,
and delivered him to his own attendants, who, after many reproaches,
gave him nothing to eat but paper painted with snakes, saying, that of a
Guelph they would make him a Ghibelline; and thus fasting, he died in a
few days.

At this time Count Oddo and Niccolo Piccinino entered the Val di Lamona,
with the design of bringing the lord of Faenza over to the Florentines,
or at least inducing him to restrain the incursions of Agnolo della
Pergola into Romagna; but as this valley is naturally strong, and its
inhabitants warlike, Count Oddo was slain there, and Niccolo Piccinino
sent a prisoner to Faenza. Fortune, however, caused the Florentines to
obtain by their loss, what, perhaps, they would have failed to acquire
by victory; for Niccolo so prevailed with the lord of Faenza and his
mother, that they became friends of the Florentines. By this treaty,
Niccolo Piccinino was set at liberty, but did not take the advice he had
given others; for while in treaty with the city, concerning the terms of
his engagement, either the conditions proposed were insufficient, or he
found better elsewhere; for quite suddenly he left Arezzo, where he had
been staying, passed into Lombardy, and entered the service of the duke.

The Florentines, alarmed by this circumstance, and reduced to
despondency by their frequent losses, thought themselves unable to
sustain the war alone, and sent ambassadors to the Venetians, to beg
they would lend their aid to oppose the greatness of one who, if allowed
to aggrandize himself, would soon become as dangerous to them as to the
Florentines themselves. The Venetians were advised to adopt the same
course by Francesco Carmignuola, one of the most distinguished warriors
of those times, who had been in the service of the duke, and had
afterward quitted it; but they hesitated, not knowing how far to trust
him; for they thought his enmity with the duke was only feigned. While
in this suspense, it was found that the duke, by means of a servant
of Carmignuola, had caused poison to be given him in his food, which,
although it was not fatal, reduced him to extremity. The truth being
discovered, the Venetians laid aside their suspicion; and as the
Florentines still solicited their assistance, a treaty was formed
between the two powers, by which they agreed to carry on the war at the
common expense of both: the conquests in Lombardy to be assigned to
the Venetians; those in Romagna and Tuscany to the Florentines; and
Carmignuola was appointed Captain General of the League. By this treaty
the war was commenced in Lombardy, where it was admirably conducted; for
in a few months many places were taken from the duke, together with the
city of Brescia, the capture of which was in those days considered a
most brilliant exploit.

The war had continued from 1422 to 1427, and the citizens of Florence
were so wearied of the taxes that had been imposed during that time,
that it was resolved to revise them, preparatory to their amelioration.
That they might be equalized according to the means of each citizen, it
was proposed that whoever possessed property of the value of one hundred
florins should pay half a florin of taxes. Individual contribution would
thus be determined by an invariable rule, and not left to the discretion
of parties; and as it was found that the new method would press heavily
upon the powerful classes, they used their utmost endeavors to prevent
it from becoming law. Giovanni de' Medici alone declared himself in
favor of it, and by his means it was passed. In order to determine the
amount each had to pay, it was necessary to consider his property in the
aggregate, which the Florentines call _accatastare_, in which in this
application of it would signify TO RATE or VALUE, and hence this tax
received the name of _catasto_. The new method of rating formed a
powerful check to the tyranny of the great, who could no longer oppress
the lower classes, or silence them with threats in the council as they
had formerly done, and it therefore gave general satisfaction, though to
the wealthy classes it was in the highest degree offensive. But as it is
found men are never satisfied, but that the possession of one advantage
only makes them desire more, the people, not content with the equality
of taxation which the new law produced, demanded that the same rule
should be applied to past years; that in investigation should be made
to determine how much, according to the Catasto, the rich had paid less
than their share, and that they should now pay up to an equality with
those who, in order to meet the demand unjustly made, had been compelled
to sell their possessions. This proposal alarmed the great more than
the Catasto had done; and in self-defense they unceasingly decried it,
declaring it in the highest degree unjust in being laid not only on
immovable but movable property, which people possess to-day and lose
to-morrow; that many persons have hidden wealth which the Catasto cannot
reach; that those who leave their own affairs to manage those of the
republic should be less burdened by her, it being enough for them to
give their labour, and that it was unjust of the city to take both
their property and their time, while of others she only took money. The
advocates of the Catasto replied, that if movable property varies, the
taxes would also vary, and frequently rating it would remedy the evil
to which it was subject; that it was unnecessary to mention those who
possessed hidden property; for it would be unreasonable to take taxes
for that which produced no interest, and that if it paid anything, it
could not fail to be discovered: that those who did not like to labor
for the republic might cease to do so; for no doubt she would find
plenty of loving citizens who would take pleasure in assisting her
with both money and counsel: that the advantages and honors of a
participation in the government are so great, that of themselves they
are a sufficient remuneration to those who thus employ themselves,
without wishing to be excused from paying their share of taxes. But,
they added, the real grievance had not been mentioned: for those who
were offended with the Catasto, regretted they could no longer involve
the city in all the difficulties of war without injury to themselves,
now that they had to contribute like the rest; and that if this law had
then been in force they would not have gone to war with King Ladislaus,
or the Duke Filippo, both which enterprises had been not through
necessity, but to impoverish the citizens. The excitement was appeased
by Giovanni de' Medici, who said, "It is not well to go into things so
long past, unless to learn something for our present guidance; and if in
former times the taxation has been unjust, we ought to be thankful, that
we have now discovered a method of making it equitable, and hope that
this will be the means of uniting the citizens, not of dividing them;
which would certainly be the case were they to attempt the recovery of
taxes for the past, and make them equal to the present; and that he who
is content with a moderate victory is always most successful; for those
who would more than conquer, commonly lose." With such words as these
he calmed the disturbance, and this retrospective equalization was no
longer contemplated.

The war with the duke still continued; but peace was at length restored
by means of a legate of the pope. The duke, however, from the first
disregarded the conditions, so that the league again took arms, and
meeting the enemy's forces at Maclovio routed them. After this defeat
the duke again made proposals for peace, to which the Florentines
and Venetians both agreed; the former from jealousy of the Venetians,
thinking they had spent quite enough money in the aggrandizement of
others; the latter, because they found Carmignuola, after the defeat of
the duke, proceed but coldly in their cause; so that they thought it no
longer safe to trust him. A treaty was therefore concluded in 1428, by
which the Florentines recovered the places they had lost in Romagna;
and the Venetians kept Brescia, to which the duke added Bergamo and the
country around it. In this war the Florentines expended three millions
and a half of ducats, extended the territory and power of the Venetians,
and brought poverty and disunion upon themselves.

Being at peace with their neighbors, domestic troubles recommenced. The
great citizens could not endure the Catasto, and not knowing how to
set it aside, they endeavored to raise up more numerous enemies to
the measure, and thus provide themselves with allies to assist them in
annulling it. They therefore instructed the officers appointed to levy
the tax, that the law required them to extend the Catasto over the
property of their nearest neighbors, to see if Florentine wealth was
concealed among it. The dependent states were therefore ordered to
present a schedule of their property against a certain time. This was
extremely offensive to the people of Volterra, who sent to the Signory
to complain of it; but the officers, in great wrath, committed eighteen
of the complainants to prison. The Volterrani, however, out of regard
for their fellow-countrymen who were arrested, did not proceed to any
violence.



CHAPTER IV

Death of Giovanni de' Medici--His character--Insurrection of
Volterra--Volterra returns to her allegiance--Niccolo Fortebraccio
attacks the Lucchese--Diversity of opinion about the Lucchese
war--War with Lucca--Astore Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi appointed
commissaries--Violence of Astorre Gianni.

About this time Giovanni de' Medici was taken ill, and finding his end
approach, called his sons Cosmo and Lorenzo to him, to give them his
last advice, and said, "I find I have nearly reached the term which
God and nature appointed at my birth, and I die content, knowing that
I leave you rich, healthy, and of such standing in society, that if you
pursue the same course that I have, you will live respected in Florence,
and in favor with everyone. Nothing cheers me so much at this moment, as
the recollection that I have never willfully offended anyone; but have
always used my utmost endeavors to confer benefits upon all. I would
have you do so too. With regard to state affairs, if you would live in
security, take just such a share as the laws and your countrymen think
proper to bestow, thus you will escape both danger and envy; for it
is not what is given to any individual, but what he has determined to
possess, that occasions odium. You will thus have a larger share than
those who endeavor to engross more than belongs to them; for they
thus usually lose their own, and before they lose it, live in constant
disquiet. By adopting this method, although among so many enemies, and
surrounded by so many conflicting interests, I have not only maintained
my reputation but increased my influence. If you pursue the same course,
you will be attended by the same good fortune; if otherwise, you may be
assured, your end will resemble that of those who in our own times have
brought ruin both upon themselves and their families." Soon after this
interview with his sons, Giovanni died, regretted by everyone, as his
many excellencies deserved. He was compassionate; not only bestowing
alms on those who asked them, but very frequently relieving the
necessities of the poor, without having been solicited so to do. He
loved all; praised the good, and pitied the infirmities of the wicked.
He never sought the honors of government; yet enjoyed them all; and
never went to the palace unless by request. He loved peace and shunned
war; relieved mankind in adversity, and assisted them in prosperity;
never applied the public money to his own uses, but contributed to the
public wealth. He was courteous in office; not a man of great eloquence,
but possessed of extraordinary prudence. His demeanor expressed
melancholy; but after a short time his conversation became pleasant and
facetious. He died exceedingly rich in money, but still more in good
fame and the best wishes of mankind; and the wealth and respect he left
behind him were not only preserved but increased by his son Cosmo.

The Volterran ambassadors grew weary of lying in prison, and to obtain
their liberty promised to comply with the commands of the Florentines.
Being set free and returned to their city, the time arrived for the new
Priors to enter upon office, and among those who were drawn, was one
named Giusto, a plebeian, but possessing great influence with his class,
and one of those who had been imprisoned at Florence. He, being inflamed
with hatred against the Florentines on account of his public as well as
personal injuries, was further stimulated by Giovanni di Contugi, a man
of noble family, and his colleague in office, to induce the people, by
the authority of the Priors and his own influence, to withdraw their
country from the power of the Florentines, and make himself prince.
Prompted by these motives, Giusto took arms, rode through the city,
seized the Capitano, who resided in it, on behalf of the Florentines,
and with the consent of the people, became lord of Volterra. This
circumstance greatly displeased the Florentines; but having just made
peace with the duke, and the treaty being yet uninfringed on either
side, they bethought themselves in a condition to recover the place;
and that the opportunity might not be lost, they immediately appointed
Rinaldo degli Albizzi and Palla Strozzi commissaries, and sent them upon
the expedition. In the meantime, Giusto, who expected the Florentines
would attack him, requested assistance of Lucca and Sienna. The latter
refused, alleging her alliance with Florence; and Pagolo Guinigi, to
regain the favor of the Florentines, which he imagined he had lost
in the war with the duke and by his friendship for Filippo, not only
refused assistance to Giusto, but sent his messenger prisoner to
Florence.

The commissaries, to come upon the Volterrani unawares, assembled their
cavalry, and having raised a good body of infantry in the Val d'Arno
Inferiore, and the country about Pisa, proceeded to Volterra. Although
attacked by the Florentines and abandoned by his neighbors, Giusto did
not yield to fear; but, trusting to the strength of the city and the
ruggedness of the country around it, prepared for his defense.

There lived at Volterra one Arcolano, brother of that Giovanni Contugi
who had persuaded Giusto to assume the command. He possessed influence
among the nobility, and having assembled a few of his most confidential
friends, he assured them that by this event, God had come to the relief
of their necessities; for if they would only take arms, deprive Giusto
of the Signory, and give up the city to the Florentines, they might be
sure of obtaining the principal offices, and the place would retain all
its ancient privileges. Having gained them over, they went to the
palace in which Giusto resided; and while part of them remained below,
Arcolano, with three others, proceeded to the chamber above, where
finding him with some citizens, they drew him aside, as if desirous
to communicate something of importance, and conversing on different
subjects, let him to the lower apartment, and fell upon him with their
swords. They, however, were not so quick as to prevent Giusto from
making use of his own weapon; for with it he seriously wounded two of
them; but being unable to resist so many, he was at last slain, and his
body thrown into the street. Arcolano and his party gave up the city
to the Florentine commissaries, who, being at hand with their forces,
immediately took possession; but the condition of Volterra was worse
than before; for among other things which operated to her disadvantage,
most of the adjoining countryside was separated from her, and she was
reduced to the rank of a vicariate.

Volterra having been lost and recovered almost at the same time, present
circumstances afforded nothing of sufficient importance to occasion a
new war, if ambition had not again provoked one. Niccolo Fortebraccio,
the son of a sister of Braccio da Perugia, had been in the service
of the Florentines during most of their wars with the duke. Upon the
restoration of peace he was discharged; but when the affair of
Volterra took place, being encamped with his people at Fucecchio, the
commissaries availed themselves both of himself and his forces. Some
thought that while Rinaldo conducted the expedition along with him, he
persuaded him, under one pretext or another, to attack the Lucchese,
assuring him, that if he did so, the Florentines would consent to
undertake an expedition against them, and would appoint him to the
command. When Volterra was recovered, and Niccolo returned to his
quarters at Fucecchio, he, either at the persuasion of Rinaldo, or of
his own accord, in November, 1429, took possession of Ruoti and Compito,
castles belonging to the Lucchese, with three hundred cavalry and
as many infantry, and then descending into the plain, plundered the
inhabitants to a vast amount. The news of this incursion having
reached Florence, persons of all classes were seen gathered in parties
throughout the city discussing the matter, and nearly all were in favor
of an expedition against Lucca. Of the Grandees thus disposed, were the
Medici and their party, and with them also Rinaldo, either because he
thought the enterprise beneficial to the republic, or induced by his own
ambition and the expectation of being appointed to the command. Niccolo
da Uzzano and his party were opposed to the war. It seems hardly
credible that such contrary opinions should prevail, though at different
times, in the same men and the same city, upon the subject of war; for
the same citizens and people that, during the ten years of peace had
incessantly blamed the war undertaken against Duke Filippo, in defense
of liberty, now, after so much expense and trouble, with their utmost
energy, insisted on hostilities against Lucca, which, if successful,
would deprive that city of her liberty; while those who had been in
favor of a war with the duke, were opposed to the present; so much
more ready are the multitude to covet the possessions of others than to
preserve their own, and so much more easily are they led by the hope
of acquisition than by the fear of loss. The suggestions of the latter
appear incredible till they are verified; and the pleasing anticipations
of the former are cherished as facts, even while the advantages are very
problematical, or at best, remote. The people of Florence were inspired
with hope, by the acquisitions which Niccolo Fortebraccio had made, and
by letters received from their rectors in the vicinity of Lucca; for
their deputies at Vico and Pescia had written, that if permission were
given to them to receive the castles that offered to surrender, the
whole country of Lucca would very soon be obtained. It must, however, be
added, that an ambassador was sent by the governor of Lucca to Florence,
to complain of the attack made by Niccolo, and to entreat that the
Signory would not make war against a neighbor, and a city that had
always been friendly to them. The ambassador was Jacopo Viviani, who, a
short time previously, had been imprisoned by Pagolo Guinigi, governor
of Lucca, for having conspired against him. Although he had been found
guilty, his life was spared, and as Pagolo thought the forgiveness
mutual, he reposed confidence in him. Jacopo, more mindful of the danger
he had incurred than of the lenity exercised toward him, on his arrival
in Florence secretly instigated the citizens to hostilities; and these
instigations, added to other hopes, induced the Signory to call the
Council together, at which 498 citizens assembled, before whom the
principal men of the city discussed the question.

Among the first who addressed the assembly in favor of the expedition,
was Rinaldo. He pointed out the advantage that would accrue from the
acquisition, and justified the enterprise from its being left open to
them by the Venetians and the duke, and that as the pope was engaged in
the affairs of Naples, he could not interfere. He then remarked upon the
facility of the expedition, showing that Lucca, being now in bondage to
one of her own citizens, had lost her natural vigor and former anxiety
for the preservation of her liberty, and would either be surrendered to
them by the people in order to expel the tyrant, or by the tyrant for
fear of the people. He recalled the remembrance of the injuries done to
the republic by the governor of Lucca; his malevolent disposition toward
them; and their embarrassing situation with regard to him, if the pope
or the duke were to make war upon them; and concluded that no enterprise
was ever undertaken by the people of Florence with such perfect
facility, more positive advantage, or greater justice in its favor.

In a reply to this, Niccolo da Uzzano stated that the city of Florence
never entered on a more unjust or more dangerous project, or one more
pregnant with evil, than this. In the first place they were going to
attack a Guelphic city, that had always been friendly to the Florentine
people, and had frequently, at great hazard, received the Guelphs into
her bosom when they were expelled from their own country. That in the
history of the past there was not an instance, while Lucca was free, of
her having done an injury to the Florentines; and that if they had been
injured by her enslavers, as formerly by Castruccio, and now by the
present governor, the fault was not in the city, but in her tyrant.
That if they could assail the latter without detriment to the people,
he should have less scruple, but as this was impossible, he could
not consent that a city which had been friendly to Florence should be
plundered of her wealth. However, as it was usual at present to pay
little or no regard either to equity or injustice, he would consider the
matter solely with reference to the advantage of Florence. He thought
that what could not easily be attended by pernicious consequences might
be esteemed useful, but he could not imagine how an enterprise should
be called advantageous in which the evils were certain and the utility
doubtful. The certain evils were the expenses with which it would be
attended; and these, he foresaw, would be sufficiently great to alarm
even a people that had long been in repose, much more one wearied, as
they were, by a tedious and expensive war. The advantage that might be
gained was the acquisition of Lucca, which he acknowledged to be great;
but the hazards were so enormous and immeasurable, as in his opinion
to render the conquest quite impossible. He could not induce himself to
believe that the Venetians, or Filippo, would willingly allow them to
make the acquisition; for the former only consented in appearance, in
order to avoid the semblance of ingratitude, having so lately, with
Florentine money, acquired such an extent of dominion. That as regarded
the duke, it would greatly gratify him to see them involved in new wars
and expenses; for, being exhausted and defeated on all sides, he might
again assail them; and that if, after having undertaken it, their
enterprise against Lucca were to prove successful, and offer them the
fullest hope of victory, the duke would not want an opportunity of
frustrating their labors, either by assisting the Lucchese secretly
with money, or by apparently disbanding his own troops, and then sending
them, as if they were soldiers of fortune, to their relief. He therefore
advised that they should give up the idea, and behave toward the tyrant
in such a way as to create him as many enemies as possible; for there
was no better method of reducing Lucca than to let them live under the
tyrant, oppressed and exhausted by him; for, if prudently managed, that
city would soon get into such a condition that he could not retain it,
and being ignorant or unable to govern itself, it must of necessity fall
into their power. But he saw that his discourse did not please them, and
that his words were unheeded; he would, however, predict this to them,
that they were about to commence a war in which they would expend vast
sums, incur great domestic dangers, and instead of becoming masters of
Lucca, they would deliver her from her tyrant, and of a friendly city,
feeble and oppressed, they would make one free and hostile, and that
in time she would become an obstacle to the greatness of their own
republic.

The question having been debated on both sides, they proceeded to vote,
as usual, and of the citizens present only ninety-eight were against the
enterprise. Thus determined in favor of war, they appointed a Council of
Ten for its management, and hired forces, both horse and foot. Astorre
Gianni and Rinaldo degli Albizzi were appointed commissaries, and
Niccolo Fortebraccio, on agreeing to give up to the Florentines the
places he had taken, was engaged to conduct the enterprise as their
captain. The commissaries having arrived with the army in the country
of the Lucchese, divided their forces; one part of which, under Astorre,
extended itself along the plain, toward Camaiore and Pietrasanta, while
Rinaldo, with the other division, took the direction of the hills,
presuming that when the citizens found themselves deprived of the
surrounding country, they would easily submit. The proceedings of the
commissaries were unfortunate, not that they failed to occupy many
places, but from the complaints made against them of mismanaging the
operations of the war; and Astorre Gianni had certainly given very
sufficient cause for the charges against him.

There is a fertile and populous valley near Pietrasanta, called
Seravezza, whose inhabitants, on learning the arrival of the commissary,
presented themselves before him and begged he would receive them as
faithful subjects of the Florentine republic. Astorre pretended to
accept their proposal, but immediately ordered his forces to take
possession of all the passes and strong positions of the valley,
assembled the men in the principal church, took them all prisoners, and
then caused his people to plunder and destroy the whole country, with
the greatest avarice and cruelty, making no distinction in favor of
consecrated places, and violating the women, both married and
single. These things being known in Florence, displeased not only the
magistracy, but the whole city.



CHAPTER V

The inhabitants of Seravezza appeal to the Signory--Complaints against
Rinaldo degli Albizzi--The commissaries changed--Filippo Brunelleschi
proposes to submerge the country about Lucca--Pagolo Guinigi asks
assistance of the duke of Milan--The duke sends Francesco Sforza--Pagolo
Guinigi expelled--The Florentines routed by the forces of the duke--The
acquisitions of the Lucchese after the victory--Conclusion of the war.

A few of the inhabitants of the valley of Seravezza, having escaped the
hands of the commissary, came to Florence and acquainted every one in
the streets with their miserable situation; and by the advice of those
who, either through indignation at his wickedness or from being of
the opposite party, wished to punish the commissary, they went to the
Council of Ten, and requested an audience. This being granted, one of
them spoke to the following effect: "We feel assured, magnificent lords,
that we shall find credit and compassion from the Signory, when you
learn how your commissary has taken possession of our country, and in
what manner he has treated us. Our valley, as the memorials of your
ancient houses abundantly testify, was always Guelphic, and has
often proved a secure retreat to your citizens when persecuted by the
Ghibellines. Our forefathers, and ourselves too, have always revered the
name of this noble republic as the leader and head of their party. While
the Lucchese were Guelphs we willingly submitted to their government;
but when enslaved by the tyrant, who forsook his old friends to join
the Ghibelline faction, we have obeyed him more through force than good
will. And God knows how often we have prayed, that we might have an
opportunity of showing our attachment to our ancient party. But how
blind are mankind in their wishes! That which we desired for our safety
has proved our destruction. As soon as we learned that your ensigns were
approaching, we hastened to meet your commissary, not as an enemy,
but as the representative of our ancient lords; placed our valley, our
persons, and our fortunes in his hands, and commended them to his good
faith, believing him to possess the soul, if not of a Florentine, at
least of a man. Your lordships will forgive us; for, unable to support
his cruelties, we are compelled to speak. Your commissary has nothing of
the man but the shape, nor of a Florentine but the name; a more deadly
pest, a more savage beast, a more horrid monster never was imagined in
the human mind; for, having assembled us in our church under pretense
of wishing to speak with us, he made us prisoners. He then burned and
destroyed the whole valley, carried off our property, ravaged every
place, destroyed everything, violated the women, dishonored the virgins,
and dragging them from the arms of their mothers, gave them up to the
brutality of his soldiery. If by any injury to the Florentine people we
merited such treatment, or if he had vanquished us armed in our defense,
we should have less reason for complaint; we should have accused
ourselves, and thought that either our mismanagement or our arrogance
had deservedly brought the calamity upon us; but after having freely
presented ourselves to him unarmed, to be robbed and plundered with such
unfeeling barbarity, is more than we can bear. And though we might
have filled Lombardy with complaints and charges against this city, and
spread the story of our misfortunes over the whole of Italy, we did
not wish to slander so just and pious a republic, with the baseness and
perfidy of one wicked citizen, whose cruelty and avarice, had we known
them before our ruin was complete, we should have endeavored to satiate
(though indeed they are insatiable), and with one-half of our property
have saved the rest. But the opportunity is past; we are compelled to
have recourse to you, and beg that you will succor the distresses of
your subjects, that others may not be deterred by our example from
submitting themselves to your authority. And if our extreme distress
cannot prevail with you to assist us, be induced, by your fear of the
wrath of God, who has seen his temple plundered and burned, and his
people betrayed in his bosom." Having said this they threw themselves
on the ground, crying aloud, and praying that their property and their
country might be restored to them; and that if the Signory could not
give them back their honor, they would, at least, restore husbands to
their wives, and children to their fathers. The atrocity of the affair
having already been made known, and now by the living words of
the sufferers presented before them, excited the compassion of the
magistracy. They ordered the immediate return of Astorre, who being
tried, was found guilty, and admonished. They sought the goods of the
inhabitants of Seravezza; all that could be recovered was restored
to them, and as time and circumstance gave opportunity, they were
compensated for the rest.

Complaints were made against Rinaldo degli Albizzi, that he carried on
the war, not for the advantage of the Florentine people, but his own
private emolument; that as soon as he was appointed commissary, he lost
all desire to take Lucca, for it was sufficient for him to plunder the
country, fill his estates with cattle, and his house with booty; and,
not content with what his own satellites took, he purchased that of the
soldiery, so that instead of a commissary he became a merchant. These
calumnies coming to his ears, disturbed the temper of this proud but
upright man, more than quite became his dignity. He was so exasperated
against the citizens and magistracy, that without waiting for or asking
permission, he returned to Florence, and, presenting himself before the
Council of Ten, he said that he well knew how difficult and dangerous a
thing it was to serve an unruly people and a divided city, for the
one listens to every report, the other pursues improper measures; they
neglect to reward good conduct, and heap censure upon whatever appears
doubtful; so that victory wins no applause, error is accused by all, and
if vanquished, universal condemnation is incurred; from one's own party
through envy, and from enemies through hatred, persecution results. He
confessed that the baseness of the present calumnies had conquered his
patience and changed the temper of his mind; but he would say, he had
never, for fear of a false accusation, avoided doing what appeared to
him beneficial to the city. However, he trusted the magistrates would in
future be more ready to defend their fellow-citizens, so that the latter
might continue anxious to effect the prosperity of their country; that
as it was not customary at Florence to award triumphs for success, they
ought at least to be protected from calumny; and that being citizens
themselves, and at any moment liable to false accusations, they might
easily conceive how painful it is to an upright mind to be oppressed
with slander. The Ten endeavored, as well as circumstances would admit,
to soothe the acerbity of his feelings, and confided the care of the
expedition to Neri di Gino and Alamanno Salviati, who, instead of
overrunning the country, advanced near to Lucca. As the weather had
become extremely cold, the forces established themselves at Campannole,
which seemed to the commissaries waste of time; and wishing to draw
nearer the place, the soldiery refused to comply, although the Ten had
insisted they should pitch their camp before the city, and would not
hear of any excuse.

At that time there lived at Florence, a very distinguished architect,
named Filippo di Ser Brunelleschi, of whose works our city is full, and
whose merit was so extraordinary, that after his death his statue
in marble was erected in the principal church, with an inscription
underneath, which still bears testimony to those who read it, of his
great talents. This man pointed out, that in consequence of the relative
positions of the river Serchio and the city of Lucca, the wastes of the
river might be made to inundate the surrounding country, and place the
city in a kind of lake. His reasoning on this point appeared so clear,
and the advantage to the besiegers so obvious and inevitable, that the
Ten were induced to make the experiment. The result, however, was quite
contrary to their expectation, and produced the utmost disorder in
the Florentine camp; for the Lucchese raised high embankments in the
direction of the ditch made by our people to conduct the waters of the
Serchio, and one night cut through the embankment of the ditch itself,
so that having first prevented the water from taking the course
designed by the architect, they now caused it to overflow the plain,
and compelled the Florentines, instead of approaching the city as they
wished, to take a more remote position.

The design having failed, the Council of Ten, who had been re-elected,
sent as commissary, Giovanni Guicciardini, who encamped before Lucca,
with all possible expedition. Pagolo Guinigi finding himself thus
closely pressed, by the advice of Antonio del Rosso, then representative
of the Siennese at Lucca, sent Salvestro Trento and Leonardo Bonvisi to
Milan, to request assistance from the duke; but finding him indisposed
to comply, they secretly engaged, on the part of the people, to deliver
their governor up to him and give him possession of the place; at the
same time intimating, that if he did not immediately follow this advice,
he would not long have the opportunity, since it was the intention of
Pagolo to surrender the city to the Florentines, who were very anxious
to obtain it. The duke was so much alarmed with this idea, that, setting
aside all other considerations, he caused Count Francesco Sforza, who
was engaged in his service, to make a public request for permission
to go to Naples; and having obtained it, he proceeded with his forces
directly to Lucca, though the Florentines, aware of the deception,
and apprehensive of the consequences, had sent to the count, Boccacino
Alamanni, his friend, to frustrate this arrangement. Upon the arrival
of the count at Lucca, the Florentines removed their camp to Librafatta,
and the count proceeded immediately to Pescia, where Pagolo Diacceto
was lieutenant governor, who, promoted by fear rather than any better
motive, fled to Pistoia, and if the place had not been defended by
Giovanni Malavolti, to whom the command was intrusted, it would have
been lost. The count failing in his attempt went to Borgo a Buggiano
which he took, and burned the castle of Stigliano, in the same
neighborhood.

The Florentines being informed of these disasters, found they must have
recourse to those remedies which upon former occasions had often
proved useful. Knowing that with mercenary soldiers, when force is
insufficient, corruption commonly prevails, they offered the count a
large sum of money on condition that he should quit the city, and give
it up to them. The count finding that no more money was to be had from
Lucca, resolved to take it of those who had it to dispense, and agreed
with the Florentines, not to give them Lucca, which for decency he could
not consent to, but to withdraw his troops, and abandon it, on condition
of receiving fifty thousand ducats; and having made this agreement, to
induce the Lucchese to excuse him to the duke, he consented that they
should expel their tyrant.

Antonio del Rosso, as we remarked above, was Siennese ambassador at
Lucca, and with the authority of the count he contrived the ruin of
Pagolo Guinigi. The heads of the conspiracy were Pierro Cennami and
Giovanni da Chivizzano. The count resided upon the Serchio, at a short
distance from the city, and with him was Lanzilao, the son of Pagolo.
The conspirators, about forty in number, went armed at night in search
of Pagolo, who, on hearing the noise they made, came toward them quite
astonished, and demanded the cause of their visit; to which Piero
Cennami replied, that they had long been governed by him, and led
about against the enemy, to die either by hunger or the sword, but were
resolved to govern themselves for the future, and demanded the keys of
the city and the treasure. Pagolo said the treasure was consumed, but
the keys and himself were in their power; he only begged that as his
command had begun and continued without bloodshed, it might conclude
in the same manner. Count Francesco conducted Pagolo and his son to the
duke, and they afterward died in prison.

The departure of the count having delivered Lucca from her tyrant, and
the Florentines from their fear of his soldiery, the former prepared for
her defense, and the latter resumed the siege. They appointed the
count of Urbino to conduct their forces, and he pressed the Lucchese
so closely, that they were again compelled to ask the assistance of the
duke, who dispatched Niccolo Piccinino, under the same pretense as he
previously sent Count Francesco. The Florentine forces met him on his
approach to Lucca, and at the passage of the Serchio a battle ensued, in
which they were routed, the commissary with a few of his men escaping
to Pisa. This defeat filled the Florentines with dismay, and as the
enterprise had been undertaken with the entire approbation of the great
body of the people, they did not know whom to find fault with, and
therefore railed against those who had been appointed to the management
of the war, reviving the charges made against Rinaldo. They were,
however, more severe against Giovanni Guicciardini than any other,
declaring that if he had wished, he might have put a period to the war
at the departure of Count Francesco, but that he had been bribed with
money, for he had sent home a large sum, naming the party who had been
intrusted to bring it, and the persons to whom it had been delivered.
These complaints and accusations were carried to so great a length that
the captain of the people, induced by the public voice, and pressed by
the party opposed to the war, summoned him to trial. Giovanni appeared,
though full of indignation. However his friends, from regard to their
own character, adopted such a course with the Capitano as induced him to
abandon the inquiry.

After this victory, the Lucchese not only recovered the places that had
belonged to them, but occupied all the country of Pisa except Beintina,
Calcinaja, Livorno, and Librafatta; and, had not a conspiracy been
discovered that was formed in Pisa, they would have secured that
city also. The Florentines again prepared for battle, and appointed
Micheletto, a pupil of Sforza, to be their leader. The duke, on the
other hand, followed up this victory, and that he might bring a greater
power against the Florentines, induced the Genoese, the Siennese, and
the governor of Piombino, to enter into a league for the defense of
Lucca, and to engage Niccolo Piccinino to conduct their forces. Having
by this step declared his design, the Venetians and the Florentines
renewed their league, and the war was carried on openly in Tuscany and
Lombardy, in each of which several battles were fought with variety of
fortune. At length, both sides being wearied out, they came to terms
for the cessation of hostilities, in May, 1433. By this arrangement
the Florentines, Lucchese, and Siennese, who had each occupied many
fortresses belonging to the others, gave them all up, and each party
resumed its original possessions.



CHAPTER VI

Cosmo de' Medici, his character and mode of proceedings--The greatness
of Cosmo excites the jealousy of the citizens--The opinion of Niccolo
da Uzzano--Scandalous divisions of the Florentines--Death of Niccolo
da Uzzano--Bernardo Guadagni, Gonfalonier, adopts measures against
Cosmo--Cosmo arrested in the palace--He is apprehensive of attempts
against his life.

During the war the malignant humors of the city were in constant
activity. Cosmo de' Medici, after the death of Giovanni, engaged more
earnestly in public affairs, and conducted himself with more zeal and
boldness in regard to his friends than his father had done, so that
those who rejoiced at Giovanni's death, finding what the son was likely
to become, perceived they had no cause for exultation. Cosmo was one
of the most prudent of men; of grave and courteous demeanor, extremely
liberal and humane. He never attempted anything against parties,
or against rulers, but was bountiful to all; and by the unwearied
generosity of his disposition, made himself partisans of all ranks of
the citizens. This mode of proceeding increased the difficulties of
those who were in the government, and Cosmo himself hoped that by its
pursuit he might be able to live in Florence as much respected and
as secure as any other citizen; or if the ambition of his adversaries
compelled him to adopt a different course, arms and the favor of his
friends would enable him to become more so. Averardo de' Medici and
Puccio Pucci were greatly instrumental in the establishment of his
power; the former by his boldness, the latter by unusual prudence and
sagacity, contributed to his aggrandizement. Indeed the advice of
wisdom of Puccio were so highly esteemed, that Cosmo's party was rather
distinguished by the name of Puccio than by his own.

By this divided city the enterprise against Lucca was undertaken; and
the bitterness of party spirit, instead of being abated, increased.
Although the friends of Cosmo had been in favor of it, many of the
adverse faction were sent to assist in the management, as being men of
greater influence in the state. Averardo de' Medici and the rest being
unable to prevent this, endeavored with all their might to calumniate
them; and when any unfavorable circumstance occurred (and there were
many), fortune and the exertions of the enemy were never supposed to
be the causes, but solely the want of capacity in the commissary. This
disposition aggravated the offenses of Astorre Gianni; this excited the
indignation of Rinaldo degli Albizzi, and made him resign his commission
without leave; this, too, compelled the captain of the people to require
the appearance of Giovanni Guicciardini, and from this arose all
the other charges which were made against the magistrates and the
commissaries. Real evils were magnified, unreal ones feigned, and the
true and the false were equally believed by the people, who were almost
universally their foes.

All these events and extraordinary modes of proceeding were perfectly
known to Niccolo da Uzzano and the other leaders of the party; and they
had often consulted together for the purpose of finding a remedy, but
without effect; though they were aware of the danger of allowing them
to increase, and the great difficulty that would attend any attempt
to remove or abate them. Niccolo da Uzzano was the earliest to take
offense; and while the war was proceeding without, and these troubles
within, Niccolo Barbadoro desirous of inducing him to consent to the
ruin of Cosmo, waited upon him at his house; and finding him alone in
his study, and very pensive, endeavored, with the best reasons he could
advance, to persuade him to agree with Rinaldo on Cosmo's expulsion.
Niccolo da Uzzano replied as follows: "It would be better for thee and
thy house, as well as for our republic, if thou and those who follow
thee in this opinion had beards of silver instead of gold, as is said of
thee; for advice proceeding from the hoary head of long experience would
be wiser and of greater service to all. It appears to me, that those who
talk of driving Cosmo out of Florence would do well to consider what is
their strength, and what that of Cosmo. You have named one party,
that of the nobility, the other that of the plebeians. If the fact
corresponded with the name, the victory would still be most uncertain,
and the example of the ancient nobility of this city, who were destroyed
by the plebeians, ought rather to impress us with fear than with hope.
We have, however, still further cause for apprehension from the division
of our party, and the union of our adversaries. In the first place, Neri
di Gino and Nerone di Nigi, two of our principal citizens, have never
so fully declared their sentiments as to enable us to determine whether
they are most our friends our those of our opponents. There are many
families, even many houses, divided; many are opposed to us through
envy of brothers or relatives. I will recall to your recollection two
or three of the most important; you may think of the others at your
leisure. Of the sons of Maso degli Albizzi, Luca, from envy of Rinaldo,
has thrown himself into their hands. In the house of Guicciardini, of
the sons of Luigi, Piero is the enemy of Giovanni and in favor of our
adversaries. Tommaso and Niccolo Soderini openly oppose us on account of
their hatred of their uncle Francesco. So that if we consider well what
we are, and what our enemies, I cannot see why we should be called NOBLE
any more than they. If it is because they are followed by the plebeians,
we are in a worse condition on that account, and they in a better; for
were it to come either to arms or to votes, we should not be able to
resist them. True it is, we still preserve our dignity, our precedence,
the priority of our position, but this arises from the former reputation
of the government, which has now continued fifty years; and whenever we
come to the proof, or they discover our weakness we shall lose it. If
you were to say, the justice of our cause ought to augment our influence
and diminish theirs I answer, that this justice requires to be perceived
and believed by others as well as by ourselves, but this is not the
case; for the justice of our cause is wholly founded upon our suspicion
that Cosmo designs to make himself prince of the city. And although we
entertain this suspicion and suppose it to be correct, others have it
not; but what is worse, they charge us with the very design of which
we accuse him. Those actions of Cosmo which lead us to suspect him are,
that he lends money indiscriminately, and not to private persons
only, but to the public; and not to Florentines only, but to the
_condottieri_, the soldiers of fortune. Besides, he assists any
citizen who requires magisterial aid; and, by the universal interest
he possesses in the city, raises first one friend and then another to
higher grades of honor. Therefore, to adduce our reasons for expelling
him, would be to say that he is kind, generous, liberal, and beloved
by all. Now tell me, what law is there which forbids, disapproves, or
condemns men for being pious, liberal, and benevolent? And though they
are all modes adopted by those who aim at sovereignty, they are not
believed to be such, nor have we sufficient power to make them to be
so esteemed; for our conduct has robbed us of confidence, and the city,
naturally partial and (having always lived in faction) corrupt, cannot
lend its attention to such charges. But even if we were successful in
an attempt to expel him (which might easily happen under a favorable
Signory), how could we (being surrounded by his innumerable friends, who
would constantly reproach us, and ardently desire to see him again in
the city) prevent his return? It would be impossible for they being so
numerous, and having the good will of all upon their side, we should
never be secure from them. And as many of his first discovered friends
as you might expel, so many enemies would you make, so that in a short
time he would return, and the result would be simply this, that we had
driven him out a good man and he had returned to us a bad one; for his
nature would be corrupted by those who recalled him, and he, being under
obligation, could not oppose them. Or should you design to put him to
death, you could not attain your purpose with the magistrates, for his
wealth, and the corruption of your minds, will always save him. But let
us suppose him put to death, or that being banished, he did not return,
I cannot see how the condition of our republic would be ameliorated; for
if we relieve her from Cosmo, we at once make her subject to Rinaldo,
and it is my most earnest desire that no citizen may ever, in power and
authority, surpass the rest. But if one of these must prevail, I know of
no reason that should make me prefer Rinaldo to Cosmo. I shall only
say, may God preserve the city from any of her citizens usurping the
sovereignty, but if our sins have deserved this, in mercy save us from
Rinaldo. I pray thee, therefore, do not advise the adoption of a course
on every account pernicious, nor imagine that, in union with a few, you
would be able to oppose the will of the many; for the citizens, some
from ignorance and others from malice, are ready to sell the republic at
any time, and fortune has so much favored them, that they have found a
purchaser. Take my advice then; endeavor to live moderately; and with
regard to liberty, you will find as much cause for suspicion in our
party as in that of our adversaries. And when troubles arise, being of
neither side, you will be agreeable to both, and you will thus provide
for your own comfort and do no injury to any."

These words somewhat abated the eagerness of Barbadoro, so that
tranquillity prevailed during the war with Lucca. But this being
ended, and Niccolo da Uzzano dead, the city being at peace and under no
restraint, unhealthy humors increased with fearful rapidity. Rinaldo,
considering himself now the leader of the party, constantly entreated
and urged every citizen whom he thought likely to be Gonfalonier, to
take up arms and deliver the country from him who, from the malevolence
of a few and the ignorance of the multitude, was inevitably reducing it
to slavery. These practices of Rinaldo, and those of the contrary side,
kept the city full of apprehension, so that whenever a magistracy was
created, the numbers of each party composing it were made publicly
known, and upon drawing for the Signory the whole city was aroused.
Every case brought before the magistrates, however trivial, was made a
subject of contention among them. Secrets were divulged, good and evil
alike became objects of favor and opposition, the benevolent and the
wicked were alike assailed, and no magistrate fulfilled the duties of
his office with integrity.

In this state of confusion, Rinaldo, anxious to abate the power
of Cosmo, and knowing that Bernardo Guadagni was likely to become
Gonfalonier, paid his arrears of taxes, that he might not, by being
indebted to the public, be incapacitated for holding the office. The
drawing soon after took place, and fortune, opposed to our welfare,
caused Bernardo to be appointed for the months of September and October.
Rinaldo immediately waited upon him, and intimated how much the party
of the nobility, and all who wished for repose, rejoiced to find he
had attained that dignity; that it now rested with him to act in such a
manner as to realize their pleasing expectations. He then enlarged upon
the danger of disunion, and endeavored to show that there was no means
of attaining the blessing of unity but by the destruction of Cosmo, for
he alone, by the popularity acquired with his enormous wealth, kept them
depressed; that he was already so powerful, that if not hindered, he
would soon become prince, and that it was the part of a good citizen, in
order to prevent such a calamity, to assemble the people in the piazza,
and restore liberty to his country. Rinaldo then reminded the new
Gonfalonier how Salvestro de' Medici was able, though unjustly, to
restrain the power of the Guelphs, to whom, by the blood of their
ancestors, shed in its cause, the government rightly belonged; and
argued that what he was able unjustly to accomplish against so many,
might surely be easily performed with justice in its favor against one!
He encouraged him with the assurance that their friends would be ready
in arms to support him; that he need not regard the plebeians, who
adored Cosmo, since their assistance would be of no greater avail than
Giorgio Scali had found it on a similar occasion; and that with regard
to his wealth, no apprehension was necessary, for when he was under
the power of the Signory, his riches would be so too. In conclusion, he
averred that this course would unite and secure the republic, and crown
the Gonfalonier with glory. Bernardo briefly replied, that he thought
it necessary to act exactly as Rinaldo had advised, and that as the time
was suitable for action, he should provide himself with forces, being
assured from what Rinaldo had said, he would be supported by his
colleagues.

Bernardo entered upon the duties of his office, prepared his followers,
and having concerted with Rinaldo, summoned Cosmo, who, though many
friends dissuaded him from it, obeyed the call, trusting more to his own
innocence than to the mercy of the Signory. As soon as he had entered
the palace he was arrested. Rinaldo, with a great number of armed men,
and accompanied by nearly the whole of his party, proceeded to the
piazza, when the Signory assembled the people, and created a Balia of
two hundred persons for the reformation of the city. With the least
possible delay they entered upon the consideration of reform, and of the
life or death of Cosmo. Many wished him to be banished, others to be put
to death, and several were silent, either from compassion toward him
or for fear of the rest, so that these differences prevented them from
coming to any conclusion.

There is an apartment in the tower of the palace which occupies the
whole of one floor, and is called the Alberghettino, in which Cosmo was
confined, under the charge of Federigo Malavolti. In this place, hearing
the assembly of the Councils, the noise of arms which proceeded from the
piazza, and the frequent ringing of the bell to assemble the Balia, he
was greatly apprehensive for his safety, but still more less his private
enemies should cause him to be put to death in some unusual manner.
He scarcely took any food, so that in four days he ate only a small
quantity of bread, Federigo, observing his anxiety, said to him, "Cosmo,
you are afraid of being poisoned, and are evidently hastening your end
with hunger. You wrong me if you think I would be a party to such an
atrocious act. I do not imagine your life to be in much danger, since
you have so many friends both within the palace and without; but if you
should eventually lose it, be assured they will use some other medium
than myself for that purpose, for I will never imbue my hands in the
blood of any, still less in yours, who never injured me; therefore cheer
up, take some food, and preserve your life for your friends and your
country. And that you may do so with greater assurance, I will partake
of your meals with you." These words were of great relief to Cosmo, who,
with tears in his eyes, embraced and kissed Federigo, earnestly thanking
him for so kind and affectionate conduct, and promising, if ever the
opportunity were given him, he would not be ungrateful.



CHAPTER VII

Cosmo is banished to Padua--Rinaldo degli Albizzi attempts to
restore the nobility--New disturbances occasioned by Rinaldo degli
Albizzi--Rinaldo takes arms against the Signory--His designs are
disconcerted--Pope Eugenius in Florence--He endeavors to reconcile the
parties--Cosmo is recalled--Rinaldo and his party banished--Glorious
return of Cosmo.

Cosmo in some degree recovered his spirits, and while the citizens
were disputing about him, Federigo, by way of recreation, brought an
acquaintance of the Gonfalonier to take supper with him, an amusing and
facetious person, whose name was Il Farnagaccio. The repast being nearly
over, Cosmo, who thought he might turn this visit to advantage, for
he knew the man very intimately, gave a sign to Federigo to leave the
apartment, and he, guessing the cause, under pretense of going for
something that was wanted on the table, left them together. Cosmo, after
a few friendly expressions addressed to Il Farnagaccio, gave him a small
slip of paper, and desired him to go to the director of the hospital of
Santa Maria Nuova, for one thousand one hundred ducats; he was to take
the hundred for himself, and carry the thousand to the Gonfalonier,
and beg that he would take some suitable occasion of coming to see
him. Farnagaccio undertook the commission, the money was paid, Bernardo
became more humane, and Cosmo was banished to Padua, contrary to the
wish of Rinaldo, who earnestly desired his death. Averardo and many
others of the house of Medici were also banished, and with them Puccio
and Giovanni Pucci. To silence those who were dissatisfied with the
banishment of Cosmo, they endowed with the power of a Balia, the Eight
of War and the Capitano of the People. After his sentence, Cosmo on the
third of October, 1433, came before the Signory, by whom the boundary
to which he was restricted was specified; and they advised him to avoid
passing it, unless he wished them to proceed with greater severity both
against himself and his property. Cosmo received his sentence with a
cheerful look, assuring the Signory that wherever they determined to
send him, he would willingly remain. He earnestly begged, that as they
had preserved his life they would protect it, for he knew there were
many in the piazza who were desirous to take it; and assured them, that
wherever he might be, himself and his means were entirely at the service
of the city, the people, and the Signory. He was respectfully attended
by the Gonfalonier, who retained him in the palace till night, then
conducted him to his own house to supper, and caused him to be escorted
by a strong armed force to his place of banishment. Wherever the
cavalcade passed, Cosmo was honorably received, and was publicly visited
by the Venetians, not as an exile, but with all the respect due to one
in the highest station.

Florence, widowed of so great a citizen, one so generally beloved,
seemed to be universally sunk in despondency; victors and the vanquished
were alike in fear. Rinaldo, as if inspired with a presage of his future
calamities, in order not to appear deficient to himself or his party,
assembled many citizens, his friends, and informed them that he foresaw
their approaching ruin for having allowed themselves to be overcome by
the prayers, the tears, and the money of their enemies; and that they
did not seem aware they would soon themselves have to entreat and weep,
when their prayers would not be listened to, or their tears excite
compassion; and that of the money received, they would have to restore
the principal, and pay the interest in tortures, exile, and death; that
it would have been much better for them to have done nothing than to
have left Cosmo alive, and his friends in Florence; for great offenders
ought either to remain untouched, or be destroyed; that there was now
no remedy but to strengthen themselves in the city, so that upon the
renewed attempts of their enemies, which would soon take place, they
might drive them out with arms, since they had not sufficient civil
authority to expel them. The remedy to be adopted, he said, was one that
he had long before advocated, which was to regain the friendship of the
grandees, restoring and conceding to them all the honors of the city,
and thus make themselves strong with that party, since their adversaries
had joined the plebeians. That by this means they would become the more
powerful side, for they would possess greater energy, more comprehensive
talent and an augmented share of influence; and that if this last and
only remedy were not adopted, he knew not what other means could be
made use of to preserve the government among so many enemies, or prevent
their own ruin and that of the city.

Mariotto Baldovinetti, one of the assembly, was opposed to this plan, on
account of the pride and insupportable nature of the nobility; and said,
that it would be folly to place themselves again under such inevitable
tyranny for the sake of avoiding imaginary dangers from the plebeians.
Rinaldo, finding his advice unfavorably received, vexed at his own
misfortune and that of his party, imputed the whole to heaven itself,
which had resolved upon it, rather than to human ignorance and blunders.
In this juncture of affairs, no remedial measure being attempted, a
letter was found written by Agnolo Acciajuoli to Cosmo, acquainting
him with the disposition of the city in his favor, and advising him, if
possible, to excite a war, and gain the friendship of Neri di Gino; for
he imagined the city to be in want of money, and as she would not find
anyone to serve her, the remembrance of him would be revived in the
minds of the citizens, and they would desire his return; and that if
Neri were detached from Rinaldo, the party of the latter would be so
weakened, as to be unable to defend themselves. This letter coming to
the hands of the magistrates, Agnolo was taken, put to the torture, and
sent into exile. This example, however, did not at all deter Cosmo's
party.

It was now almost a year since Cosmo had been banished, and the end of
August, 1434, being come, Niccolo di Cocco was drawn Gonfalonier for
the two succeeding months, and with him eight signors, all partisans of
Cosmo. This struck terror into Rinaldo and his party; and as it is usual
for three days to elapse before the new Signory assume the magistracy
and the old resign their authority, Rinaldo again called together
the heads of his party. He endeavored to show them their certain and
immediate danger, and that their only remedy was to take arms, and cause
Donato Velluti, who was yet Gonfalonier, to assemble the people in the
piazza and create a Balia. He would then deprive the new Signory of the
magistracy, appoint another, burn the present balloting purses, and by
means of a new Squittini, provide themselves with friends. Many thought
this course safe and requisite; others, that it was too violent, and
likely to be attended with great evil. Among those who disliked it was
Palla Strozzi, a peaceable, gentle, and humane person, better adapted
for literary pursuits than for restraining a party, or opposing civil
strife. He said that bold and crafty resolutions seem promising at
their commencement, but are afterward found difficult to execute, and
generally pernicious at their conclusion; that he thought the fear of
external wars (the duke's forces being upon the confines of Romagna),
would occupy the minds of the Signory more than internal dissensions;
but, still, if any attempt should be made, and it could not take place
unnoticed, they would have sufficient time to take arms, and adopt
whatever measures might be found necessary for the common good, which
being done upon necessity, would occasion less excitement among the
people and less danger to themselves. It was therefore concluded,
that the new Signory should come in; that their proceedings should be
watched, and if they were found attempting anything against the party,
each should take arms, and meet in the piazza of San Pulinari, situated
near the palace, and whence they might proceed wherever it was found
necessary. Having come to this conclusion, Rinaldo's friends separated.

The new Signory entered upon their office, and the Gonfalonier, in order
to acquire reputation, and deter those who might intend to oppose him,
sent Donato Velluti, his predecessor, to prison, upon the charge of
having applied the public money to his own use. He then endeavored to
sound his colleagues with respect to Cosmo: seeing them desirous of his
return, he communicated with the leaders of the Medici party, and,
by their advice, summoned the hostile chiefs, Rinaldo degli Albizzi,
Ridolfo Peruzzi, and Niccolo Barbadoro. After this citation, Rinaldo
thought further delay would be dangerous: he therefore left his house
with a great number of armed men, and was soon joined by Ridolfo Peruzzi
and Niccolo Barbadoro. The force accompanying them was composed of
several citizens and a great number of disbanded soldiers then in
Florence: and all assembled according to appointment in the piazza of
San Pulinari. Palla Strozzi and Giovanni Guicciardini, though each had
assembled a large number of men, kept in their houses; and therefore
Rinaldo sent a messenger to request their attendance and to reprove
their delay. Giovanni replied, that he should lend sufficient aid
against their enemies, if by remaining at home he could prevent his
brother Piero from going to the defense of the palace. After many
messages Palla came to San Pulinari on horseback, accompanied by two
of his people on foot, and unarmed. Rinaldo, on meeting him, sharply
reproved him for his negligence, declaring that his refusal to come with
the others arose either from defect of principle or want of courage;
both of which charges should be avoided by all who wished to preserve
such a character as he had hitherto possessed; and that if he thought
this abominable conduct to his party would induce their enemies when
victorious to spare him from death or exile, he deceived himself; but
for himself (Rinaldo) whatever might happen, he had the consolation of
knowing, that previously to the crisis he had never neglected his
duty in council, and that when it occurred he had used every possible
exertion to repel it with arms; but that Palla and the others would
experience aggravated remorse when they considered they had upon three
occasions betrayed their country; first when they saved Cosmo; next when
they disregarded his advice; and now the third time by not coming armed
in her defense according to their engagement. To these reproaches Palla
made no reply audible to those around, but, muttering something as he
left them, returned to his house.

The Signory, knowing Rinaldo and his party had taken arms, finding
themselves abandoned, caused the palace to be shut up, and having no
one to consult they knew not what course to adopt. However, Rinaldo,
by delaying his coming to the piazza, having waited in expectation of
forces which did not join him, lost the opportunity of victory, gave
them courage to provide for their defense, and allowed many others
to join them, who advised that means should be used to induce their
adversaries to lay down their arms. Thereupon, some of the least
suspected, went on the part of the Signory to Rinaldo, and said,
they did not know what occasion they had given his friends for thus
assembling in arms; that they never had any intention of offending him,
and if they had spoken of Cosmo, they had no design of recalling him; so
if their fears were thus occasioned they might at once be dispelled, for
that if they came to the palace they would be graciously received, and
all their complaints attended to. These words produced no change in
Rinaldo's purpose; he bade them provide for their safety by resigning
their offices, and said that then the government of the city would be
reorganized, for the mutual benefit of all.

It rarely happens, where authorities are equal and opinions contrary,
that any good resolution is adopted. Ridolfo Peruzzi, moved by the
discourse of the citizens, said, that all he desired was to prevent
the return of Cosmo, and this being granted to them seemed a sufficient
victory; nor would he, to obtain a greater, fill the city with blood; he
would therefore obey the Signory; and accordingly went with his people
to the palace, where he was received with a hearty welcome. Thus
Rinaldo's delay at San Pulinari, Palla's want of courage, and Ridolfo's
desertion, deprived their party of all chance of success; while
the ardor of the citizens abated, and the pope's authority did not
contribute to its revival.

Pope Eugenius was at this time at Florence, having been driven from Rome
by the people. These disturbances coming to his knowledge, he thought
it a duty suitable to his pastoral office to appease them, and sent
the patriarch Giovanni Vitelleschi, Rinaldo's most intimate friend, to
entreat the latter to come to an interview with him, as he trusted
he had sufficient influence with the Signory to insure his safety
and satisfaction, without injury or bloodshed to the citizens. By his
friend's persuasion, Rinaldo proceeded with all his followers to Santa
Maria Nuova, where the pope resided. Eugenius gave him to understand,
that the Signory had empowered him to settle the differences between
them, and that all would be arranged to his satisfaction, if he laid
down his arms. Rinaldo, having witnessed Palla's want of zeal, and the
fickleness of Ridolfo Peruzzi, and no better course being open to him,
placed himself in the pope's hands, thinking that at all events the
authority of his holiness would insure his safety. Eugenius then sent
word to Niccolo Barbadoro, and the rest who remained without, that they
were to lay down their arms, for Rinaldo was remaining with the
pontiff, to arrange terms of agreement with the signors; upon which they
immediately dispersed, and laid aside their weapons.

The Signory, seeing their adversaries disarmed, continued to negotiate
an arrangement by means of the pope; but at the same time sent secretly
to the mountains of Pistoia for infantry, which, with what other forces
they could collect, were brought into Florence by night. Having taken
possession of all the strong positions in the city, they assembled the
people in the piazza and created a new balia, which, without delay,
restored Cosmo and those who had been exiled with him to their country;
and banished, of the opposite party, Rinaldo degli Albizzi, Ridolfo
Peruzzi, Niccolo Barbadoro, and Palla Strozzi, with so many other
citizens, that there were few places in Italy which did not contain
some, and many others beyond her limits were full of them. By this and
similar occurrences, Florence was deprived of men of worth, and of much
wealth and industry.

The pope, seeing such misfortunes befall those who by his entreaties
were induced to lay down their arms, was greatly dissatisfied, and
condoled with Rinaldo on the injuries he had received through his
confidence in him, but advised him to be patient, and hope for some
favorable turn of fortune. Rinaldo replied, "The want of confidence in
those who ought to have trusted me, and the great trust I have reposed
in you, have ruined both me and my party. But I blame myself principally
for having thought that you, who were expelled from your own country,
could preserve me in mine. I have had sufficient experience of the
freaks of fortune; and as I have never trusted greatly to prosperity, I
shall suffer less inconvenience from adversity; and I know that when she
pleases she can become more favorable. But if she should never change, I
shall not be very desirous of living in a city in which individuals
are more powerful than the laws; for that country alone is desirable in
which property and friends may be safely enjoyed, not one where they may
easily be taken from us, and where friends, from fear of losing their
property, are compelled to abandon each other in their greatest need.
Besides, it has always been less painful to good men to hear of the
misfortunes of their country than to witness them; and an honorable
exile is always held in greater esteem than slavery at home." He then
left the pope, and, full of indignation, blaming himself, his own
measures, and the coldness of his friends, went into exile.

Cosmo, on the other hand, being informed of his recall, returned to
Florence; and it has seldom occurred that any citizen, coming home
triumphant from victory, was received by so vast a concourse of people,
or such unqualified demonstrations of regard as he was upon his
return from banishment; for by universal consent he was hailed as the
benefactor of the people, and the FATHER OF HIS COUNTRY.