# Book II

CHAPTER I

The custom of ancient republics to plant colonies, and the advantage of
it--Increased population tends to make countries more healthy--Origin
of Florence--Aggrandizement of Florence--Origin of the name of
Florence--Destruction of Florence by Totila--The Florentines
take Fiesole--The first division in Florence, and the cause of
it--Buondelmonti--Buondelmonti slain--Guelphs and Ghibellines in
Florence--Guelphic families--Ghibelline families--The two factions come
to terms.

Among the great and wonderful institutions of the republics and
principalities of antiquity that have now gone into disuse, was that by
means of which towns and cities were from time to time established; and
there is nothing more worthy the attention of a great prince, or of
a well-regulated republic, or that confers so many advantages upon a
province, as the settlement of new places, where men are drawn together
for mutual accommodation and defense. This may easily be done, by
sending people to reside in recently acquired or uninhabited countries.
Besides causing the establishment of new cities, these removals render
a conquered country more secure, and keep the inhabitants of a province
properly distributed. Thus, deriving the greatest attainable comfort,
the inhabitants increase rapidly, are more prompt to attack others, and
defend themselves with greater assurance. This custom, by the unwise
practice of princes and republics, having gone into desuetude, the ruin
and weakness of territories has followed; for this ordination is that
by which alone empires are made secure, and countries become populated.
Safety is the result of it; because the colony which a prince
establishes in a newly acquired country, is like a fortress and a
guard, to keep the inhabitants in fidelity and obedience. Neither can
a province be wholly occupied and preserve a proper distribution of its
inhabitants without this regulation; for all districts are not equally
healthy, and hence some will abound to overflowing, while others are
void; and if there be no method of withdrawing them from places in which
they increase too rapidly, and planting them where they are too few the
country would soon be wasted; for one part would become a desert, and
the other a dense and wretched population. And, as nature cannot repair
this disorder, it is necessary that industry should effect it, for
unhealthy localities become wholesome when a numerous population is
brought into them. With cultivation the earth becomes fruitful, and the
air is purified with fires--remedies which nature cannot provide. The
city of Venice proves the correctness of these remarks. Being placed in
a marshy and unwholesome situation, it became healthy only by the
number of industrious individuals who were drawn together. Pisa, too, on
account of its unwholesome air, was never filled with inhabitants,
till the Saracens, having destroyed Genoa and rendered her rivers
unnavigable, caused the Genoese to migrate thither in vast numbers, and
thus render her populous and powerful. Where the use of colonies is not
adopted, conquered countries are held with great difficulty; districts
once uninhabited still remain so, and those which populate quickly
are not relieved. Hence it is that many places of the world, and
particularly in Italy, in comparison of ancient times, have become
deserts. This has wholly arisen and proceeded from the negligence of
princes, who have lost all appetite for true glory, and of republics
which no longer possess institutions that deserve praise. In ancient
times, by means of colonies, new cities frequently arose, and those
already begun were enlarged, as was the case with Florence, which had
its beginning from Fiesole, and its increase from colonies.

It is exceedingly probable, as Dante and Giovanni Villani show, that the
city of Fiesole, being situate upon the summit of the mountain, in
order that her markets might be more frequented, and afford greater
accommodation for those who brought merchandise, would appoint the place
in which to told them, not upon the hill, but in the plain, between the
foot of the mountain and the river Arno. I imagine these markets to have
occasioned the first erections that were made in those places, and
to have induced merchants to wish for commodious warehouses for the
reception of their goods, and which, in time, became substantial
buildings. And afterward, when the Romans, having conquered the
Carthaginians, rendered Italy secure from foreign invasion, these
buildings would greatly increase; for men never endure inconveniences
unless some powerful necessity compels them. Thus, although the fear
of war induces a willingness to occupy places strong and difficult of
access, as soon as the cause of alarm is removed, men gladly resort to
more convenient and easily attainable localities. Hence, the security
to which the reputation of the Roman republic gave birth, caused the
inhabitants, having begun in the manner described, to increase so much
as to form a town, this was at first called the Villa Arnina. After this
occurred the civil wars between Marius and Sylla; then those of Cæsar,
and Pompey; and next those of the murderers of Cæsar, and the parties
who undertook to avenge his death. Therefore, first by Sylla, and
afterward by the three Roman citizens, who, having avenged the death
of Cæsar, divided the empire among themselves, colonies were sent to
Fiesole, which, either in part or in whole, fixed their habitations in
the plain, near to the then rising town. By this increase, the place
became so filled with dwellings, that it might with propriety be
enumerated among the cities of Italy.

There are various opinions concerning the derivation of the word
Florentia. Some suppose it to come from Florinus, one of the principal
persons of the colony; others think it was originally not Florentia, but
Fluentia, and suppose the word derived from _fluente_, or flowing of the
Arno; and in support of their opinion, adduce a passage from Pliny, who
says, "the Fluentini are near the flowing of the Arno." This, however,
may be incorrect, for Pliny speaks of the locality of the Florentini,
not of the name by which they were known. And it seems as if the word
Fluentini were a corruption, because Frontinus and Cornelius Tacitus,
who wrote at nearly the same period as Pliny, call them Florentia and
Florentini; for, in the time of Tiberius, they were governed like
the other cities of Italy. Besides, Cornelius refers to the coming of
ambassadors from the Florentines, to beg of the emperor that the waters
of the Chiane might not be allowed to overflow their country; and it is
not at all reasonable that the city should have two names at the same
time. Therefore I think that, however derived, the name was always
Florentia, and that whatever the origin might be, it occurred under the
Roman empire, and began to be noticed by writers in the times of the
first emperors.

When the Roman empire was afflicted by the barbarians, Florence was
destroyed by Totila, king of the Ostrogoths; and after a period of two
hundred and fifty years, rebuilt by Charlemagne; from whose time, till
the year 1215, she participated in the fortune of the rest of Italy;
and, during this period, first the descendants of Charles, then the
Berengarii, and lastly the German emperors, governed her, as in our
general treatise we have shown. Nor could the Florentines, during those
ages, increase in numbers, or effect anything worthy of memory,
on account of the influence of those to whom they were subject.
Nevertheless, in the year 1010, upon the feast of St. Romolo, a solemn
day with the Fiesolani, they took and destroyed Fiesole, which must have
been performed either with the consent of the emperors, or during the
interim from the death of one to the creation of his successor, when
all assumed a larger share of liberty. But then the pontiffs acquired
greater influence, and the authority of the German emperors was in its
wane, all the places of Italy governed themselves with less respect for
the prince; so that, in the time of Henry III. the mind of the country
was divided between the emperor and the church. However, the Florentines
kept themselves united until the year 1215, rendering obedience to the
ruling power, and anxious only to preserve their own safety. But, as
the diseases which attack our bodies are more dangerous and mortal in
proportion as they are delayed, so Florence, though late to take part in
the sects of Italy, was afterward the more afflicted by them. The cause
of her first division is well known, having been recorded by Dante and
many other writers; I shall, however, briefly notice it.

Among the most powerful families of Florence were the Buondelmonti and
the Uberti; next to these were the Amidei and the Donati. Of the Donati
family there was a rich widow who had a daughter of exquisite beauty,
for whom, in her own mind, she had fixed upon Buondelmonti, a young
gentleman, the head of the Buondelmonti family, as her husband; but
either from negligence, or, because she thought it might be accomplished
at any time, she had not made known her intention, when it happened that
the cavalier betrothed himself to a maiden of the Amidei family. This
grieved the Donati widow exceedingly; but she hoped, with her daughter's
beauty, to disturb the arrangement before the celebration of the
marriage; and from an upper apartment, seeing Buondelmonti approach her
house alone, she descended, and as he was passing she said to him, "I
am glad to learn you have chosen a wife, although I had reserved my
daughter for you;" and, pushing the door open, presented her to his
view. The cavalier, seeing the beauty of the girl, which was very
uncommon, and considering the nobility of her blood, and her portion not
being inferior to that of the lady whom he had chosen, became inflamed
with such an ardent desire to possess her, that, not thinking of the
promise given, or the injury he committed in breaking it, or of the
evils which his breach of faith might bring upon himself, said, "Since
you have reserved her for me, I should be very ungrateful indeed to
refuse her, being yet at liberty to choose;" and without any delay
married her. As soon as the fact became known, the Amidei and the
Uberti, whose families were allied, were filled with rage, and having
assembled with many others, connections of the parties, they concluded
that the injury could not be tolerated without disgrace, and that the
only vengeance proportionate to the enormity of the offence would be to
put Buondelmonti to death. And although some took into consideration the
evils that might ensue upon it, Mosca Lamberti said, that those who talk
of many things effect nothing, using that trite and common adage, _Cosa
fatta capo ha_. Thereupon, they appointed to the execution of the murder
Mosca himself, Stiatti Uberti, Lambertuccio Amidei, and Oderigo Fifanti,
who, on the morning of Easter day, concealed themselves in a house of
the Amidei, situate between the old bridge and St. Stephen's, and as
Buondelmonti was passing upon a white horse, thinking it as easy a
matter to forget an injury as reject an alliance, he was attacked by
them at the foot of the bridge, and slain close by a statue of Mars.
This murder divided the whole city; one party espousing the cause of
the Buondelmonti, the other that of the Uberti; and as these families
possessed men and means of defense, they contended with each other for
many years, without one being able to destroy the other.

Florence continued in these troubles till the time of Frederick II.,
who, being king of Naples, endeavored to strengthen himself against the
church; and, to give greater stability to his power in Tuscany, favored
the Uberti and their followers, who, with his assistance, expelled the
Buondelmonti; thus our city, as all the rest of Italy had long time
been, became divided into Guelphs and Ghibellines; and as it will not
be superfluous, I shall record the names of the families which took part
with each faction. Those who adopted the cause of the Guelphs were
the Buondelmonti, Nerli, Rossi, Frescobaldi, Mozzi, Bardi, Pulci,
Gherardini, Foraboschi, Bagnesi, Guidalotti, Sacchetti, Manieri,
Lucardesi, Chiaramontesi, Compiobbesi, Cavalcanti, Giandonati,
Gianfigliazzi, Scali, Gualterotti, Importuni, Bostichi, Tornaquinci,
Vecchietti, Tosinghi, Arrigucci, Agli, Sizi, Adimari, Visdomini, Donati,
Passi, della Bella, Ardinghi, Tedaldi, Cerchi. Of the Ghibelline
faction were the Uberti, Manelli, Ubriachi, Fifanti, Amidei, Infangati,
Malespini, Scolari, Guidi, Galli, Cappiardi, Lamberti, Soldanieri,
Cipriani, Toschi, Amieri, Palermini, Migliorelli, Pigli, Barucci,
Cattani, Agolanti, Brunelleschi, Caponsacchi, Elisei, Abati, Tidaldini,
Giuochi, and Galigai. Besides the noble families on each side above
enumerated, each party was joined by many of the higher ranks of the
people, so that the whole city was corrupted with this division. The
Guelphs being expelled, took refuge in the Upper Val d'Arno, where
part of their castles and strongholds were situated, and where they
strengthened and fortified themselves against the attacks of their
enemies. But, upon the death of Frederick, the most unbiased men, and
those who had the greatest authority with the people, considered that it
would be better to effect the reunion of the city, than, by keeping her
divided, cause her ruin. They therefore induced the Guelphs to forget
their injuries and return, and the Ghibellines to lay aside their
jealousies and receive them with cordiality.



CHAPTER II

New form of government in Florence--Military establishments--The
greatness of Florence--Movements of the Ghibellines--Ghibellines
driven out of the city--Guelphs routed by the forces of the king of
Naples--Florence in the power of the king of Naples--Project of
the Ghibellines to destroy Florence opposed by Farinata degli
Uberti--Adventures of the Guelphs of Florence--The pope gives his
standard to the Guelphs--Fears of the Ghibellines and their preparations
for the defense of their power--Establishment of trades' companies, and
their authority--Count Guido Novello expelled--He goes to Prato--The
Guelphs restored to the city--The Ghibellines quit Florence--The
Florentines reform the government in favor of the Guelphs--The pope
endeavors to restore the Ghibellines and excommunicates Florence--Pope
Nicholas III. endeavors to abate the power of Charles king of Naples.

Being united, the Florentines thought the time favorable for the
ordination of a free government, and that it would be desirable to
provide their means of defense before the new emperor should acquire
strength. They therefore divided the city into six parts, and elected
twelve citizens, two for each sixth, to govern the whole. These were
called Anziani, and were elected annually. To remove the cause of those
enmities which had been observed to arise from judicial decisions, they
provided two judges from some other state,--one called captain of the
people, the other podesta, or provost,--whose duty it was to decide in
cases, whether civil or criminal, which occurred among the people. And
as order cannot be preserved without a sufficient force for the defense
of it, they appointed twenty banners in the city, and seventy-six in the
country, upon the rolls of which the names of all the youth were armed;
and it was ordered that everyone should appear armed, under his banner,
whenever summoned, whether by the captain of the people or the Anziani.
They had ensigns according to the kind of arms they used, the bowmen
being under one ensign, and the swordsmen, or those who carried a
target, under another; and every year, upon the day of Pentecost,
ensigns were given with great pomp to the new men, and new leaders
were appointed for the whole establishment. To give importance to their
armies, and to serve as a point of refuge for those who were exhausted
in the fight, and from which, having become refreshed, they might again
make head against the enemy, they provided a large car, drawn by two
oxen, covered with red cloth, upon which was an ensign of white and red.
When they intended to assemble the army, this car was brought into the
New Market, and delivered with pomp to the heads of the people. To give
solemnity to their enterprises, they had a bell called Martinella, which
was rung during a whole month before the forces left the city, in order
that the enemy might have time to provide for his defense; so great was
the virtue then existing among men, and with so much generosity of mind
were they governed, that as it is now considered a brave and prudent act
to assail an unprovided enemy, in those days it would have been thought
disgraceful, and productive only of a fallacious advantage. This bell
was also taken with the army, and served to regulate the keeping and
relief of guard, and other matters necessary in the practice of war.

With these ordinations, civil and military, the Florentines established
their liberty. Nor is it possible to imagine the power and authority
Florence in a short time acquired. She became not only the head of
Tuscany, but was enumerated among the first cities of Italy, and would
have attained greatness of the most exalted kind, had she not been
afflicted with the continual divisions of her citizens. They remained
under the this government ten years, during which time they compelled
the people of Pistoria, Arezzo, and Sienna, to enter into league with
them; and returning with the army from Sienna, they took Volterra,
destroyed some castles, and led the inhabitants to Florence. All these
enterprises were effected by the advice of the Guelphs, who were much
more powerful than the Ghibellines, for the latter were hated by the
people as well on account of their haughty bearing while in power,
during the time of Frederick, as because the church party was in more
favor than that of the emperor; for with the aid of the church they
hoped to preserve their liberty, but, with the emperor, they were
apprehensive of losing it.

The Ghibellines, in the meantime, finding themselves divested of
authority, could not rest, but watched for an occasion of repossessing
the government; and they thought the favorable moment come, when they
found that Manfred, son of Frederick, had made himself sovereign of
Naples, and reduced the power of the church. They, therefore, secretly
communicated with him, to resume the management of the state, but
could not prevent their proceedings from coming to the knowledge of the
Anziani, who immediately summoned the Uberti to appear before them; but
instead of obeying, they took arms and fortified themselves in their
houses. The people, enraged at this, armed themselves, and with the
assistance of the Guelphs, compelled them to quit the city, and,
with the whole Ghibelline party, withdraw to Sienna. They then asked
assistance of Manfred king of Naples, and by the able conduct of
Farinata degli Uberti, the Guelphs were routed by the king's forces
upon the river Arbia, with so great slaughter, that those who escaped,
thinking Florence lost, did not return thither, but sought refuge at
Lucca.

Manfred sent the Count Giordano, a man of considerable reputation
in arms, to command his forces. He after the victory, went with the
Ghibellines to Florence, and reduced the city entirely to the king's
authority, annulling the magistracies and every other institution that
retained any appearance of freedom. This injury, committed with little
prudence, excited the ardent animosity of the people, and their enmity
against the Ghibellines, whose ruin it eventually caused, was increased
to the highest pitch. The necessities of the kingdom compelling the
Count Giordano to return to Naples, he left at Florence as regal vicar
the Count Guido Novallo, lord of Casentino, who called a council of
Ghibellines at Empoli. There it was concluded, with only one dissenting
voice, that in order to preserve their power in Tuscany, it would be
necessary to destroy Florence, as the only means of compelling the
Guelphs to withdraw their support from the party of the church. To this
so cruel a sentence, given against such a noble city, there was not a
citizen who offered any opposition, except Farinata degli Uberti, who
openly defended her, saying he had not encountered so many dangers and
difficulties, but in the hope of returning to his country; that he still
wished for what he had so earnestly sought, nor would he refuse the
blessing which fortune now presented, even though by using it, he were
to become as much an enemy of those who thought otherwise, as he had
been of the Guelphs; and that no one need be afraid the city would
occasion the ruin of their country, for he hoped that the valor which
had expelled the Guelphs, would be sufficient to defend her. Farinata
was a man of undaunted resolution, and excelled greatly in military
affairs: being the head of the Ghibelline party, and in high estimation
with Manfred, his authority put a stop to the discussion, and induced
the rest to think of some other means of preserving their power.

The Lucchese being threatened with the anger of the count, for affording
refuge to the Guelphs after the battle of the Arbia, could allow them
to remain no longer; so leaving Lucca, they went to Bologna, from whence
they were called by the Guelphs of Parma against the Ghibellines of that
city, where, having overcome the enemy, the possessions of the latter
were assigned to them; so that having increased in honors and riches,
and learning that Pope Clement had invited Charles of Anjou to take the
kingdom from Manfred, they sent ambassadors to the pope to offer him
their services. His holiness not only received them as friends, but gave
them a standard upon which his insignia were wrought. It was ever after
borne by the Guelphs in battle, and is still used at Florence. Charles
having taken the kingdom from Manfred, and slain him, to which success
the Guelphs of Florence had contributed, their party became more
powerful, and that of the Ghibellines proportionately weaker. In
consequence of this, those who with Count Novello governed the city,
thought it would be advisable to attach to themselves, with some
concession, the people whom they had previously aggravated with every
species of injury; but these remedies which, if applied before the
necessity came would have been beneficial, being offered when they were
no longer considered favors, not only failed of producing any beneficial
results to the donors, but hastened their ruin. Thinking, however, to
win them to their interests, they restored some of the honors of which
they had deprived them. They elected thirty-six citizens from the higher
rank of the people, to whom, with two cavaliers, knights or gentlemen,
brought from Bologna, the reformation of the government of the city
was confided. As soon as they met, they classed the whole of the
people according to their arts or trades, and over each art appointed a
magistrate, whose duty was to distribute justice to those placed under
him. They gave to each company or trade a banner, under which every man
was expected to appear armed, whenever the city required it. These arts
were at first twelve, seven major and five minor. The minor arts were
afterward increased to fourteen, so that the whole made, as at present,
twenty-one. The thirty-six reformers also effected other changes for the
common good.

Count Guido proposed to lay a tax upon the citizens for the support of
the soldiery; but during the discussion found so much difficulty, that
he did not dare to use force to obtain it; and thinking he had now lost
the government, called together the leaders of the Ghibellines, and they
determined to wrest from the people those powers which they had with so
little prudence conceded. When they thought they had sufficient force,
the thirty-six being assembled, they caused a tumult to be raised, which
so alarmed them that they retired to their houses, when suddenly the
banners of the Arts were unfurled, and many armed men drawn to them.
These, learning that Count Guido and his followers were at St. John's,
moved toward the Holy Trinity, and chose Giovanni Soldanieri for their
leader. The count, on the other hand, being informed where the people
were assembled, proceeded in that direction; nor did the people shun the
fight, for, meeting their enemies where now stands the residence of the
Tornaquinci, they put the count to flight, with the loss of many of his
followers. Terrified with this result, he was afraid his enemies would
attack him in the night, and that his own party, finding themselves
beaten, would murder him. This impression took such hold of his mind
that, without attempting any other remedy, he sought his safety rather
in flight than in combat, and, contrary to the advice of the rectors,
went with all his people to Prato. But, on finding himself in a place
of safety, his fears fled; perceiving his error he wished to correct it,
and on the following day, as soon as light appeared, he returned
with his people to Florence, to enter the city by force which he had
abandoned in cowardice. But his design did not succeed; for the people,
who had had difficulty in expelling him, kept him out with facility; so
that with grief and shame he went to the Casentino, and the Ghibellines
withdrew to their villas.

The people being victorious, by the advice of those who loved the good
of the republic, determined to reunite the city, and recall all the
citizens as well Guelph as Ghibelline, who yet remained without. The
Guelphs returned, after having been expelled six years; the recent
offences of the Ghibellines were forgiven, and themselves restored to
their country. They were, however, most cordially hated, both by the
people and the Guelphs, for the latter could not forget their exile,
and the former but too well remembered their tyranny when they were in
power; the result was, that the minds of neither party became settled.

While affairs were in this state at Florence, a report prevailed that
Corradino, nephew of Manfred, was coming with a force from Germany, for
the conquest of Naples; this gave the Ghibellines hope of recovering
power, and the Guelphs, considering how they should provide for their
security, requested assistance from Charles for their defense, in
case of the passage of Corradino. The coming of the forces of Charles
rendered the Guelphs insolent, and so alarmed the Ghibellines that they
fled the city, without being driven out, two days before the arrival of
the troops.

The Ghibellines having departed, the Florentines reorganized the
government of the city, and elected twelve men who, as the supreme
power, were to hold their magistracy two months, and were not called
Anziani or "ancients," but Buono Uomini or "good men." They also formed
a council of eighty citizens, which they called the Credenza. Besides
these, from each sixth, thirty citizens were chosen, who, with the
Credenza and the twelve Buono Uomini, were called the General Council.
They also appointed another council of one hundred and twenty citizens,
elected from the people and the nobility, to which all those things
were finally referred that had undergone the consideration of the other
councils, and which distributed the offices of the republic. Having
formed this government, they strengthened the Guelphic party by
appointing its friends to the principal offices of state, and a variety
of other measures, that they might be enabled to defend themselves
against the Ghibellines, whose property they divided into three parts,
one of which was applied to the public use, another to the Capitani, and
the third was assigned to the Guelphs, in satisfaction of the injuries
they had received. The pope, too, in order to keep Tuscany in the
Guelphic interest, made Charles imperial vicar over the province.
While the Florentines, by virtue of the new government, preserved their
influence at home by laws, and abroad with arms, the pope died, and
after a dispute, which continued two years, Gregory X. was elected,
being then in Syria, where he had long lived; but not having witnessed
the working of parties, he did not estimate them in the manner his
predecessors had done, and passing through Florence on his way to
France, he thought it would be the office of a good pastor to unite the
city, and so far succeeded that the Florentines consented to receive the
Syndics of the Ghibellines in Florence to consider the terms of their
recall. They effected an agreement, but the Ghibellines without were so
terrified that they did not venture to return. The pope laid the whole
blame upon the city, and being enraged excommunicated her, in which
state of contumacy she remained as long as the pontiff lived; but was
reblessed by his successor Innocent V.

The pontificate was afterward occupied by Nicholas III. of the Orsini
family. It has to be remarked that it was invariably the custom of the
popes to be jealous of those whose power in Italy had become great, even
when its growth had been occasioned by the favors of the church; and as
they always endeavored to destroy it, frequent troubles and changes were
the result. Their fear of a powerful person caused them to increase the
influence of one previously weak; his becoming great caused him also to
be feared, and his being feared made them seek the means of destroying
him. This mode of thinking and operation occasioned the kingdom of
Naples to be taken from Manfred and given to Charles, but as soon as
the latter became powerful his ruin was resolved upon. Actuated by
these motives, Nicholas III. contrived that, with the influence of the
emperor, the government of Tuscany should be taken from Charles, and
Latino his legate was therefore sent into the province in the name of
the empire.



CHAPTER III

Changes in Florence--The Ghibellines recalled--New form of government in
Florence--The Signory created--Victory over the Aretins--The Gonfalonier
of Justice created--Ubaldo Ruffoli the first Gonfalonier--Giano della
Bella--New reform by his advice--Giano della Bella becomes a voluntary
exile--Dissensions between the people and the nobility--The tumults
composed--Reform of Government--Public buildings--The prosperous state
of the city.

Florence was at this time in a very unhappy condition; for the great
Guelphic families had become insolent, and set aside the authority
of the magistrates; so that murders and other atrocities were daily
committed, and the perpetrators escaped unpunished, under the protection
of one or other of the nobility. The leaders of the people, in order
to restrain this insolence, determined to recall those who had been
expelled, and thus gave the legate an opportunity of uniting the city.
The Ghibellines returned, and, instead of twelve governors, fourteen
were appointed, seven for each party, who held their office one year,
and were to be chosen by the pope. The Florentines lived under this
government two years, till the pontificate of Martin, who restored to
Charles all the authority which had been taken from him by Nicholas, so
that parties were again active in Tuscany; for the Florentines took arms
against the emperor's governor, and to deprive the Ghibellines of power,
and restrain the nobility, established a new form of government. This
was in the year 1282, and the companies of the Arts, since magistrates
had been appointed and colors given to them, had acquired so great
influence, that of their own authority they ordered that, instead of
fourteen citizens, three should be appointed and called Priors, to hold
the government of the republic two months, and chosen from either the
people or the nobility. After the expiration of the first magistracy
they were augmented to six, that one might be chosen from each sixth
of the city, and this number was preserved till the year 1342, when the
city was divided into quarters, and the Priors became eight, although
upon some occasions during the interim they were twelve.

This government, as will be seen hereafter, occasioned the ruin of
the nobility; for the people by various causes excluded them from all
participation in it, and then trampled upon them without respect. The
nobles at first, owing to their divisions among themselves, made no
opposition; and each being anxious to rob the other of influence in the
state, they lost it altogether. To this government a palace was given,
in which they were to reside constantly, and all requisite officers
were appointed; it having been previously the custom of councils and
magistrates to assemble in churches. At first they were only called
Priors, but to increase their distinction the word signori, or lords,
was soon afterward adopted. The Florentines remained for some time in
domestic quiet, during which they made war with the Aretins for having
expelled the Guelphs, and obtained a complete victory over them at
Campaldino. The city being increased in riches and population, it was
found expedient to extend the walls, the circle of which was enlarged to
the extent it at present remains, although its diameter was previously
only the space between the old bridge and the church of St. Lorenzo.

Wars abroad and peace within the city had caused the Guelph and
Ghibelline factions to become almost extinct; and the only party feeling
which seemed occasionally to glow, was that which naturally exists in
all cities between the higher classes and the people; for the latter,
wishing to live in conformity with the laws, and the former to be
themselves the rulers of the people, it was not possible for them to
abide in perfect amity together. This ungenial disposition, while their
fear of the Ghibellines kept them in order, did not discover itself, but
no sooner were they subdued than it broke forth, and not a day passed
without some of the populace being injured, while the laws were
insufficient to procure redress, for every noble with his relations
and friends defended himself against the forces of the Priors and
the Capitano. To remedy this evil, the leaders of the Arts' companies
ordered that every Signory at the time of entering upon the duties of
office should appoint a Gonfalonier of Justice, chosen from the people,
and place a thousand armed men at his disposal divided into twenty
companies of fifty men each, and that he, with his gonfalon or banner
and his forces, should be ready to enforce the execution of the laws
whenever called upon, either by the Signors themselves or the Capitano.
The first elected to this high office was Ubaldo Ruffoli. This man
unfurled his gonfalon, and destroyed the houses of the Galletti, on
account of a member of that family having slain one of the Florentine
people in France. The violent animosities among the nobility enabled
the companies of the Arts to establish this law with facility; and the
former no sooner saw the provision which had been made against them than
they felt the acrimonious spirit with which it was enforced. At first
it impressed them with greater terror, but they soon after returned to
their accustomed insolence, for one or more of their body always
making part of the Signory, gave them opportunities of impeding the
Gonfalonier, so that he could not perform the duties of his office.
Besides this, the accuser always required a witness of the injury he had
received, and no one dared to give evidence against the nobility. Thus
in a short time Florence again fell into the same disorders as before,
and the tyranny exercised against the people was as great as ever; for
the decisions of justice were either prevented or delayed, and sentences
were not carried into execution.

In this unhappy state, the people not knowing what to do, Giano della
Bella, of a very noble family, and a lover of liberty, encouraged the
heads of the Arts to reform the constitution of the city; and by his
advice it was ordered that the Gonfalonier should reside with the
Priors, and have four thousand men at his command. They deprived
the nobility of the right to sit in the Signory. They condemned the
associates of a criminal to the same penalty as himself, and ordered
that public report should be taken as evidence. By these laws, which
were called the ordinations of justice, the people acquired great
influence, and Giano della Bella not a small share of trouble; for he
was thoroughly hated by the great, as the destroyer of their power,
while the opulent among the people envied him, for they thought he
possessed too great authority. This became very evident upon the first
occasion that presented itself.

It happened that a man from the class of the people was killed in a
riot, in which several of the nobility had taken a part, and among the
rest Corso Donati, to whom, as the most forward of the party, the death
was attributed. He was, therefore, taken by the captain of the people,
and whether he was really innocent of the crime or the Capitano was
afraid of condemning him, he was acquitted. This acquittal displeased
the people so much, that, seizing their arms, they ran to the house of
Giano della Bella, to beg that he would compel the execution of those
laws which he had himself made. Giano, who wished Corso to be punished,
did not insist upon their laying down their arms, as many were of
opinion he ought to have done, but advised them to go to the
Signory, complain of the fact, and beg that they would take it into
consideration. The people, full of wrath, thinking themselves insulted
by the Capitano and abandoned by Giano della Bella, instead of going
to the Signory went to the palace of the Capitano, of which they made
themselves masters, and plundered it.

This outrage displeased the whole city, and those who wished the ruin of
Giano laid the entire blame upon him; and as in the succeeding Signory
there was an enemy of his, he was accused to the Capitano as the
originator of the riot. While the case was being tried, the people took
arms, and, proceeding to his house, offered to defend him against the
Signory and his enemies. Giano, however, did not wish to put this burst
of popular favor to the proof, or trust his life to the magistrates, for
he feared the malignity of the latter and the instability of the former;
so, in order to remove an occasion for his enemies to injure him, or
his friends to offend the laws, he determined to withdraw, deliver his
countrymen from the fear they had of him, and, leaving the city which
at his own charge and peril he had delivered from the servitude of the
great, become a voluntary exile.

After the departure of Giano della Bella the nobility began to entertain
hopes of recovering their authority; and judging their misfortune to
have arisen from their divisions, they sent two of their body to the
Signory, which they thought was favorable to them, to beg they would be
pleased to moderate the severity of the laws made against them. As soon
as their demand became known, the minds of the people were much excited;
for they were afraid the Signors would submit to them; and so, between
the desire of the nobility and the jealousy of the people, arms were
resorted to. The nobility were drawn together in three places: near the
church of St. John, in the New Market, and in the Piazza of the Mozzi,
under three leaders, Forese Adimari, Vanni de Mozzi, and Geri Spini.
The people assembled in immense numbers, under their ensigns, before the
palace of the Signory, which at that time was situated near St. Procolo;
and, as they suspected the integrity of the Signory, they added six
citizens to their number to take part in the management of affairs.

While both parties were preparing for the fight, some individuals, as
well of the people as of the nobility, accompanied by a few priests of
respectable character, mingled among them for the purpose of effecting
a pacification, reminding the nobility that their loss of power, and the
laws which were made against them, had been occasioned by their haughty
conduct, and the mischievous tendency of their proceedings; that
resorting to arms to recover by force what they had lost by illiberal
measures and disunion, would tend to the destruction of their country
and increase the difficulties of their own position; that they should
bear in mind that the people, both in riches, numbers, and hatred, were
far stronger than they; and that their nobility, on account of which
they assumed to be above others, did not contribute to win battles, and
would be found, when they came to arms, to be but an empty name, and
insufficient to defend them against so many. On the other hand, they
reminded the people that it is not prudent to wish always to have the
last blow; that it is an injudicious step to drive men to desperation,
for he who is without hope is also without fear; that they ought not
to forget that in the wars the nobility had always done honor to the
country, and therefore it was neither wise nor just to pursue them
with so much bitterness; and that although the nobility could bear with
patience the loss of the supreme magistracy, they could not endure that,
by the existing laws, it should be in the power of everyone to drive
them from their country; and, therefore, it would be well to qualify
these laws, and, in furtherance of so good a result, be better to lay
down their arms than, trusting to numbers, try the fortune of a battle;
for it is often seen that the many are overcome by the few. Variety of
opinion was found among the people; many wished to decide the question
by arms at once, for they were assured it would have to be done some
time, and that it would be better to do so then than delay till
the enemy had acquired greater strength; and that if they thought a
mitigation of the laws would satisfy them, that then they would be glad
to comply, but that the pride of the nobility was so great they would
not submit unless they were compelled. To many others, who were more
peaceable and better disposed, it appeared a less evil to qualify the
laws a little than to come to battle; and their opinion prevailing, it
was provided that no accusation against the nobility could be received
unless supported with sufficient testimony.

Although arms were laid aside, both parties remained full of suspicion,
and each fortified itself with men and places of strength. The people
reorganized the government, and lessened the number of its officers, to
which measure they were induced by finding that the Signors appointed
from the families, of which the following were the heads, had been
favorable to the nobility, viz.: the Mancini, Magalotti, Altoviti,
Peruzzi, and Cerretani. Having settled the government, for the greater
magnificence and security of the Signory, they laid the foundation of
their palace; and to make space for the piazza, removed the houses that
had belonged to the Uberti; they also at the same period commenced the
public prisons. These buildings were completed in a few years; nor did
our city ever enjoy a greater state of prosperity than in those times:
filled with men of great wealth and reputation; possessing within her
walls 30,000 men capable of bearing arms, and in the country 70,000,
while the whole of Tuscany, either as subjects or friends, owed
obedience to Florence. And although there might be some indignation and
jealousy between the nobility and the people, they did not produce any
evil effect, but all lived together in unity and peace. And if this
peace had not been disturbed by internal enmities there would have been
no cause of apprehension whatever, for the city had nothing to fear
either from the empire or from those citizens whom political reasons
kept from their homes, and was in condition to meet all the states of
Italy with her own forces. The evil, however, which external powers
could not effect, was brought about by those within.



CHAPTER IV

The Cerchi and the Donati--Origin of the Bianca and Nera factions
in Pistoia--They come to Florence--Open enmity of the Donati and the
Cerchi--Their first conflict--The Cerchi head the Bianca faction--The
Donati take part with the Nera--The pope's legate at Florence increases
the confusion with an interdict--New affray between the Cerchi and the
Donati--The Donati and others of the Nera faction banished by the advice
of Dante Alighieri--Charles of Valois sent by the pope to Florence--The
Florentines suspect him--Corso Donati and the rest of the Nera party
return to Florence--Veri Cerchi flies--The pope's legate again in
Florence--The city again interdicted--New disturbances--The Bianchi
banished--Dante banished--Corso Donati excites fresh troubles--The
pope's legate endeavors to restore the emigrants but does not
succeed--Great fire in Florence.

The Cerchi and the Donati were, for riches, nobility, and the number
and influence of their followers, perhaps the two most distinguished
families in Florence. Being neighbors, both in the city and the country,
there had arisen between them some slight displeasure, which, however,
had not occasioned an open quarrel, and perhaps never would have
produced any serious effect if the malignant humors had not been
increased by new causes. Among the first families of Pistoia was the
Cancellieri. It happened that Lore, son of Gulielmo, and Geri, son of
Bertacca, both of this family, playing together, and coming to words,
Geri was slightly wounded by Lore. This displeased Gulielmo; and,
designing by a suitable apology to remove all cause of further
animosity, he ordered his son to go to the house of the father of the
youth whom he had wounded and ask pardon. Lore obeyed his father; but
this act of virtue failed to soften the cruel mind of Bertacca, and
having caused Lore to be seized, in order to add the greatest indignity
to his brutal act, he ordered his servants to chop off the youth's hand
upon a block used for cutting meat upon, and then said to him, "Go to
thy father, and tell him that sword wounds are cured with iron and not
with words."

The unfeeling barbarity of this act so greatly exasperated Gulielmo that
he ordered his people to take arms for his revenge. Bertacca prepared
for his defense, and not only that family, but the whole city of
Pistoia, became divided. And as the Cancellieri were descended from
a Cancelliere who had had two wives, of whom one was called Bianca
(white), one party was named by those who were descended from her
BIANCA; and the other, by way of greater distinction, was called NERA
(black). Much and long-continued strife took place between the two,
attended with the death of many men and the destruction of much
property; and not being able to effect a union among themselves, but
weary of the evil, and anxious either to bring it to an end, or, by
engaging others in their quarrel, increase it, they came to Florence,
where the Neri, on account of their familiarity with the Donati, were
favored by Corso, the head of that family; and on this account the
Bianchi, that they might have a powerful head to defend them against the
Donati, had recourse to Veri de Cerchi, a man in no respect inferior to
Corso.

This quarrel, and the parties in it, brought from Pistoia, increased the
old animosity between the Cerchi and the Donati, and it was already
so manifest, that the Priors and all well-disposed men were in hourly
apprehension of its breaking out, and causing a division of the whole
city. They therefore applied to the pontiff, praying that he would
interpose his authority between these turbulent parties, and provide the
remedy which they found themselves unable to furnish. The pope sent
for Veri, and charged him to make peace with the Donati, at which Veri
exhibited great astonishment, saying that he had no enmity against them,
and that as pacification presupposes war, he did not know, there being
no war between them, how peacemaking could be necessary. Veri having
returned from Rome without anything being effected, the rage of the
parties increased to such a degree, that any trivial accident seemed
sufficient to make it burst forth, as indeed presently happened.

It was in the month of May, during which, and upon holidays, it is the
custom of Florence to hold festivals and public rejoicings throughout
the city. Some youths of the Donati family, with their friends, upon
horseback, were standing near the church of the Holy Trinity to look
at a party of ladies who were dancing; thither also came some of the
Cerchi, like the Donati, accompanied with many of the nobility, and,
not knowing that the Donati were before them, pushed their horses and
jostled them; thereupon the Donati, thinking themselves insulted, drew
their swords, nor were the Cerchi at all backward to do the same, and
not till after the interchange of many wounds, they separated. This
disturbance was the beginning of great evils; for the whole city became
divided, the people as well as the nobility, and the parties took the
names of the Bianchi and the Neri. The Cerchi were at the head of the
Bianchi faction, to which adhered the Adimari, the Abati, a part of the
Tosinghi, of the Bardi, of the Rossi, of the Frescobaldi, of the Nerli,
and of the Manelli; all the Mozzi, the Scali, Gherardini, Cavalcanti,
Malespini, Bostichi, Giandonati, Vecchietti, and Arrigucci. To these
were joined many families of the people, and all the Ghibellines then
in Florence, so that their great numbers gave them almost the entire
government of the city.

The Donati, at the head of whom was Corso, joined the Nera party, to
which also adhered those members of the above-named families who did not
take part with the Bianchi; and besides these, the whole of the Pazzi,
the Bisdomini, Manieri, Bagnesi, Tornaquinci, Spini, Buondelmonti,
Gianfigliazzi, and the Brunelleschi. Nor did the evil confine itself to
the city alone, for the whole country was divided upon it, so that the
Captains of the Six Parts, and whoever were attached to the Guelphic
party or the well-being of the republic, were very much afraid that this
new division would occasion the destruction of the city, and give new
life to the Ghibelline faction. They, therefore, sent again to Pope
Boniface, desiring that, unless he wished that city which had always
been the shield of the church should either be ruined or become
Ghibelline, he would consider some means for her relief. The
pontiff thereupon sent to Florence, as his legate, Cardinal Matteo
d'Acquasparta, a Portuguese, who, finding the Bianchi, as the most
powerful, the least in fear, not quite submissive to him, he interdicted
the city, and left it in anger, so that greater confusion now prevailed
than had done previously to his coming.

The minds of men being in great excitement, it happened that at a
funeral which many of the Donati and the Cerchi attended, they first
came to words and then to arms, from which, however, nothing but merely
tumult resulted at the moment. However, having each retired to their
houses, the Cerchi determined to attack the Donati, but, by the valor
of Corso, they were repulsed and great numbers of them wounded. The city
was in arms. The laws and the Signory were set at nought by the rage
of the nobility, and the best and wisest citizens were full of
apprehension. The Donati and their followers, being the least powerful,
were in the greatest fear, and to provide for their safety they called
together Corso, the Captains of the Parts, and the other leaders of the
Neri, and resolved to apply to the pope to appoint some personage of
royal blood, that he might reform Florence; thinking by this means to
overcome the Bianchi. Their meeting and determination became known to
the Priors, and the adverse party represented it as a conspiracy against
the liberties of the republic. Both parties being in arms, the Signory,
one of whom at that time was the poet Dante, took courage, and from his
advice and prudence, caused the people to rise for the preservation of
order, and being joined by many from the country, they compelled the
leaders of both parties to lay aside their arms, and banished Corso,
with many of the Neri. And as an evidence of the impartiality of their
motives, they also banished many of the Bianchi, who, however, soon
afterward, under pretense of some justifiable cause, returned.

Corso and his friends, thinking the pope favorable to their party,
went to Rome and laid their grievances before him, having previously
forwarded a statement of them in writing. Charles of Valois, brother of
the king of France, was then at the papal court, having been called
into Italy by the king of Naples, to go over into Sicily. The pope,
therefore, at the earnest prayers of the banished Florentines, consented
to send Charles to Florence, till the season suitable for his going to
Sicily should arrive. He therefore came, and although the Bianchi,
who then governed, were very apprehensive, still, as the head of the
Guelphs, and appointed by the pope, they did not dare to oppose him, and
in order to secure his friendship, they gave him authority to dispose of
the city as he thought proper.

Thus authorized, Charles armed all his friends and followers, which step
gave the people so strong a suspicion that he designed to rob them of
their liberty, that each took arms, and kept at his own house, in order
to be ready, if Charles should make any such attempt. The Cerchi and the
leaders of the Bianchi faction had acquired universal hatred by having,
while at the head of the republic, conducted themselves with unbecoming
pride; and this induced Corso and the banished of the Neri party to
return to Florence, knowing well that Charles and the Captains of
the Parts were favorable to them. And while the citizens, for fear of
Charles, kept themselves in arms, Corso, with all the banished, and
followed by many others, entered Florence without the least impediment.
And although Veri de Cerchi was advised to oppose him, he refused to do
so, saying that he wished the people of Florence, against whom he came,
should punish him. However, the contrary happened, for he was welcomed,
not punished by them; and it behooved Veri to save himself by flight.

Corso, having forced the Pinti Gate, assembled his party at San Pietro
Maggiore, near his own house, where, having drawn together a great
number of friends and people desirous of change, he set at liberty
all who had been imprisoned for offenses, whether against the state
or against individuals. He compelled the existing Signory to withdraw
privately to their own houses, elected a new one from the people of the
Neri party, and for five days plundered the leaders of the Bianchi. The
Cerchi, and the other heads of their faction, finding Charles opposed
to them, withdrew from the city, and retired to their strongholds. And
although at first they would not listen to the advice of the pope, they
were now compelled to turn to him for assistance, declaring that instead
of uniting the city, Charles had caused greater disunion than before.
The pope again sent Matteo d'Acquasparta, his legate, who made peace
between the Cerchi and the Donati, and strengthened it with marriages
and new betrothals. But wishing that the Bianchi should participate in
the employments of the government, to which the Neri who were then at
the head of it would not consent, he withdrew, with no more satisfaction
nor less enraged than on the former occasion, and left the city
interdicted for disobedience.

Both parties remained in Florence, and equally discontented; the Neri
from seeing their enemies at hand, and apprehending the loss of their
power, and the Bianchi from finding themselves without either honor or
authority; and to these natural causes of animosity new injuries
were added. Niccolo de' Cerchi, with many of his friends, went to his
estates, and being arrived at the bridge of Affrico, was attacked by
Simone, son of Corso Donati. The contest was obstinate, and one each
side had a sorrowful conclusion; for Niccolo was slain, and Simone was
so severely wounded that he died on the following night.

This event again disturbed the entire city; and although the Neri were
most to blame, they were defended by those who were at the head of
affairs; and before sentence was delivered, a conspiracy of the Bianchi
with Piero Ferrante, one of the barons who had accompanied Charles,
was discovered, by whose assistance they sought to be replaced in the
government. The matter became known from letters addressed to him by the
Cerchi, although some were of opinion that they were not genuine, but
written and pretended to be found, by the Donati, to abate the infamy
which their party had acquired by the death of Niccolo. The whole of
the Cerchi were, however, banished,--with their followers of the Bianchi
party, of whom was Dante the poet,--their property confiscated, and
their houses pulled down. They sought refuge, with a great number of
Ghibellines who had joined them, in many places, seeking fresh fortunes
in new undertakings. Charles, having effected the purpose of his coming,
left the city, and returned to the pope to pursue his enterprise against
Sicily, in which he was neither wiser nor more fortunate than he had
been at Florence; so that with disgrace and the loss of many of his
followers, he withdrew to France.

After the departure of Charles, Florence remained quiet. Corso alone was
restless, thinking he did not possess that sort of authority in the city
which was due to his rank; for the government being in the hands of the
people, he saw the offices of the republic administered by many inferior
to himself. Moved by passions of this kind, he endeavored, under
the pretense of an honorable design, to justify his own dishonorable
purposes, and accused many citizens who had the management of the public
money, of applying it to their private uses, and recommended that they
should be brought to justice and punished. This opinion was adopted by
many who had the same views as himself; and many in ignorance joined
them, thinking Corso actuated only by pure patriotism. On the other
hand, the accused citizens, enjoying the popular favor, defended
themselves, and this difference arose to such a height, that, after
civil means, they had recourse to arms. Of the one party were Corso and
Lottieri, bishop of Florence, with many of the nobility and some of the
people; on the other side were the Signory, with the greater part of
the people; so that skirmishes took place in many parts of the city. The
Signory, seeing their danger great, sent for aid to the Lucchese,
and presently all the people of Lucca were in Florence. With their
assistance the disturbances were settled for the moment, and the people
retained the government and their liberty, without attempting by any
other means to punish the movers of the disorder.

The pope had heard of the tumults at Florence, and sent his legate,
Niccolo da Prato, to settle them, who, being in high reputation both for
his quality, learning, and mode of life, presently acquired so much of
the people's confidence, that authority was given him to establish such
a government as he should think proper. As he was of Ghibelline origin,
he determined to recall the banished; but designing first to gain the
affections of the lower orders, he renewed the ancient companies of
the people, which increased the popular power and reduced that of the
nobility. The legate, thinking the multitude on his side, now endeavored
to recall the banished, and, after attempting in many ways, none of
which succeeded, he fell so completely under the suspicion of the
government, that he was compelled to quit the city, and returned to the
pope in great wrath, leaving Florence full of confusion and suffering
under an interdict. Neither was the city disturbed with one division
alone, but by many; first the enmity between the people and the
nobility, then that of the Ghibellines and the Guelphs, and lastly, of
the Bianchi and the Neri. All the citizens were, therefore, in arms, for
many were dissatisfied with the departure of the legate, and wished for
the return of the banished. The first who set this disturbance on foot
were the Medici and the Guinigi, who, with the legate, had discovered
themselves in favor of the rebels; and thus skirmishes took place in
many parts of the city.

In addition to these evils a fire occurred, which first broke out at the
garden of St. Michael, in the houses of the Abati; it thence extended to
those of the Capoinsacchi, and consumed them, with those of the Macci,
Amieri, Toschi, Cipriani, Lamberti, Cavalcanti, and the whole of the New
Market; from thence it spread to the gate of St. Maria, and burned it to
the ground; turning from the old bridge, it destroyed the houses of the
Gherardini, Pulci, Amidei, and Lucardesi, and with these so many others
that the number amounted to seventeen hundred. It was the opinion
of many that this fire occurred by accident during the heat of the
disturbances. Others affirm that it was begun willfully by Neri Abati,
prior of St. Pietro Scarragio, a dissolute character, fond of mischief,
who, seeing the people occupied with the combat, took the opportunity
of committing a wicked act, for which the citizens, being thus employed,
could offer no remedy. And to insure his success, he set fire to the
house of his own brotherhood, where he had the best opportunity of doing
it. This was in the year 1304, Florence being afflicted both with fire
and the sword. Corso Donati alone remained unarmed in so many tumults;
for he thought he would more easily become the arbitrator between the
contending parties when, weary of strife, they should be inclined to
accommodation. They laid down their arms, however, rather from satiety
of evil than from any desire of union; and the only consequence was,
that the banished were not recalled, and the party which favored them
remained inferior.



CHAPTER V

The emigrants attempt to re-enter Florence, but are not allowed to do
so--The companies of the people restored--Restless conduct of
Corso Donati--The ruin of Corso Donati--Corso Donati accused
and condemned--Riot at the house of Corso--Death of Corso--His
character--Fruitless attempt of the Emperor Henry against the
Florentines--The emigrants are restored to the city--The citizens place
themselves under the king of Naples for five years--War with Uguccione
della Faggiuola--The Florentines routed--Florence withdraws herself
from subjection to King Robert, and expels the Count Novello--Lando
d'Agobbio--His tyranny--His departure.

The legate being returned to Rome, and hearing of the new disturbance
which had occurred, persuaded the pope that if he wished to unite the
Florentines, it would be necessary to have twelve of the first citizens
appear before him, and having thus removed the principal causes of
disunion, he might easily put a stop to it. The pontiff took this
advice, and the citizens, among whom was Corso Donati, obeyed the
summons. These having left the city, the legate told the exiles that
now, when the city was deprived of her leaders, was the time for them
to return. They, therefore, having assembled, came to Florence, and
entering by a part of the wall not yet completed, proceeded to the
piazza of St. Giovanni. It is worthy of remark, that those who, a short
time previously, when they came unarmed and begged to be restored to
their country, had fought for their return, now, when they saw them in
arms and resolved to enter by force, took arms to oppose them (so much
more was the common good esteemed than private friendship), and being
joined by the rest of the citizens, compelled them to return to the
places whence they had come. They failed in their undertaking by having
left part of their force at Lastra, and by not having waited the arrival
of Tolosetto Uberti, who had to come from Pistoia with three hundred
horse; for they thought celerity rather than numbers would give them the
victory; and it often happens, in similar enterprises, that delay robs
us of the occasion, and too great anxiety to be forward prevents us of
the power, or makes us act before we are properly prepared.

The banished having retired, Florence again returned to her old
divisions; and in order to deprive the Cavalcanti of their authority,
the people took from them the Stinche, a castle situated in the Val
di Greve, and anciently belonging to the family. And as those who were
taken in it were the first who were put into the new prisons, the latter
were, and still continue, named after it,--the Stinche. The leaders of
the republic also re-established the companies of the people, and gave
them the ensigns that were first used by the companies of the Arts; the
heads of which were called Gonfaloniers of the companies and colleagues
of the Signory; and ordered, that when any disturbance arose they should
assist the Signory with arms, and in peace with counsel. To the two
ancient rectors they added an executor, or sheriff, who, with the
Gonfaloniers, was to aid in repressing the insolence of the nobility.

In the meantime the pope died. Corso, with the other citizens, returned
from Rome; and all would have been well if his restless mind had not
occasioned new troubles. It was his common practice to be of a contrary
opinion to the most powerful men in the city; and whatever he saw the
people inclined to do, he exercised his utmost influence to effect,
in order to attach them to himself; so that he was a leader in all
differences, at the head of every new scheme, and whoever wished to
obtain anything extraordinary had recourse to him. This conduct caused
him to be hated by many of the highest distinction; and their hatred
increased to such a degree that the Neri faction to which he belonged,
became completely divided; for Corso, to attain his ends, had availed
himself of private force and authority, and of the enemies of the state.
But so great was the influence attached to his person, that everyone
feared him. Nevertheless, in order to strip him of the popular favor
(which by this means may easily be done), a report was set on foot that
he intended to make himself prince of the city; and to the design his
conduct gave great appearance of probability, for his way of living
quite exceeded all civil bounds; and the opinion gained further
strength, upon his taking to wife a daughter of Uguccione della
Faggiuola, head of the Ghibelline and Bianchi faction, and one of the
most powerful men in Tuscany.

When this marriage became known it gave courage to his adversaries, and
they took arms against him; for the same reason the people ceased
to defend him, and the greater part of them joined the ranks of his
enemies, the leaders of whom were Rosso della Tosa, Pazino dei Pazzi,
Geri Spini, and Berto Brunelleschi. These, with their followers, and the
greater part of the people, assembled before the palace of the Signory,
by whose command a charge was made before Piero Branca, captain of the
people, against Corso, of intending, with the aid of Uguccione, to usurp
the government. He was then summoned, and for disobedience, declared
a rebel; nor did two hours pass over between the accusation and the
sentence. The judgment being given, the Signory, with the companies of
the people under their ensigns, went in search of him, who, although
seeing himself abandoned by many of his followers, aware of the sentence
against him, the power of the Signory, and the multitude of his enemies,
remained undaunted, and fortified his houses, in the hope of defending
them till Uguccione, for whom he had sent, should come to his Relief.
His residences, and the streets approaching them, were barricaded and
taken possession of by his partisans, who defended them so bravely that
the enemy, although in great numbers, could not force them, and the
battle became one of the hottest, with wounds and death on all sides.
But the people, finding they could not drive them from their ground,
took possession of the adjoining houses, and by unobserved passages
obtained entry. Corso, thus finding himself surrounded by his foes, no
longer retaining any hope of assistance from Uguccione, and without a
chance of victory, thought only of effecting his personal safety, and
with Gherardo Bordoni, and some of his bravest and most trusted friends,
fought a passage through the thickest of their enemies, and effected
their escape from the city by the Gate of the Cross. They were, however,
pursued by vast numbers, and Gherardo was slain upon the bridge of
Affrico by Boccaccio Cavicciulli. Corso was overtaken and made
prisoner by a party of Catalan horse, in the service of the Signory, at
Rovezzano. But when approaching Florence, that he might avoid being seen
and torn to pieces by his victorious enemies, he allowed himself to fall
from horseback, and being down, one of those who conducted him cut his
throat. The body was found by the monks of San Salvi, and buried without
any ceremony due to his rank. Such was the end of Corso, to whom his
country and the Neri faction were indebted for much both of good and
evil; and if he had possessed a cooler spirit he would have left behind
him a more happy memory. Nevertheless, he deserves to be enumerated
among the most distinguished men our city has produced. True it is, that
his restless conduct made both his country and his party forgetful of
their obligation to him. The same cause also produced his miserable
end, and brought many troubles upon both his friends and his country.
Uguccione, coming to the assistance of his relative, learned at Remoli
that Corso had been overcome by the people, and finding that he could
not render him any assistance, in order to avoid bringing evil upon
himself without occasion, he returned home.

After the death of Corso, which occurred in the year 1308, the
disturbances were appeased, and the people lived quietly till it was
reported that the Emperor Henry was coming into Italy, and with him all
the Florentine emigrants, to whom he had promised restoration to their
country. The leaders of the government thought, that in order to lessen
the number of their enemies, it would be well to recall, of their own
will, all who had been expelled, excepting such as the law had expressly
forbidden to return. Of the number not admitted, were the greater part
of the Ghibellines, and some of those of the Bianchi faction, among whom
were Dante Alighieri, the sons of Veri de' Cerchi and of Giano della
Bella. Besides this they sent for aid to Robert, king of Naples, and not
being able to obtain it of him as friends, they gave their city to him
for five years, that he might defend them as his own people. The emperor
entered Italy by the way of Pisa, and proceeded by the marshes to Rome,
where he was crowned in the year 1312. Then, having determined to subdue
the Florentines, he approached their city by the way of Perugia and
Arezzo, and halted with his army at the monastery of San Salvi, about
a mile from Florence, where he remained fifty days without effecting
anything. Despairing of success against Florence, he returned to Pisa,
where he entered into an agreement with Frederick, king of Sicily,
to undertake the conquest of Naples, and proceeded with his people
accordingly; but while filled with the hope of victory, and carrying
dismay into the heart of King Robert, having reached Buonconvento, he
died.

Shortly after this, Uguccione della Faggiuola, having by means of the
Ghibelline party become lord of Pisa and of Lucca, caused, with the
assistance of these cities, very serious annoyance to the neighbouring
places. In order to effect their relief the Florentines requested
King Robert would allow his brother Piero to take the command of their
armies. On the other hand, Uguccione continued to increase his power;
and either by force or fraud obtained possession of many castles in the
Val d'Arno and the Val di Nievole; and having besieged Monte Cataini,
the Florentines found it would be necessary to send to its relief, that
they might not see him burn and destroy their whole territory. Having
drawn together a large army, they entered the Val di Nievole where they
came up with Uguccione, and were routed after a severe battle in which
Piero the king's brother and 2,000 men were slain; but the body of
the Prince was never found. Neither was the victory a joyful one to
Uguccione; for one of his sons, and many of the leaders of his army,
fell in the strife.

The Florentines after this defeat fortified their territory, and King
Robert sent them, for commander of their forces, the Count d'Andria,
usually called Count Novello, by whose deportment, or because it is
natural to the Florentines to find every state tedious, the city,
notwithstanding the war with Uguccione, became divided into friends and
enemies of the king. Simon della Tosa, the Magalotti, and certain others
of the people who had attained greater influence in the government than
the rest, were leaders of the party against the king. By these means
messengers were sent to France, and afterward into Germany, to solicit
leaders and forces that they might drive out the count, whom the king
had appointed governor; but they failed of obtaining any. Nevertheless
they did not abandon their undertaking, but still desirous of one whom
they might worship, after an unavailing search in France and Germany,
they discovered him at Agobbio, and having expelled the Count Novello,
caused Lando d'Agobbio to be brought into the city as Bargello (sheriff),
and gave him the most unlimited power of the citizens. This man was
cruel and rapacious; and going through the country accompanied with an
armed force, he put many to death at the mere instigation of those who
had endowed him with authority. His insolence rose to such a height,
that he stamped base metal with the impression used upon the money of
the state, and no one had sufficient courage to oppose him, so powerful
had he become by the discords of Florence. Great, certainly, but unhappy
city! which neither the memory of past divisions, the fear of her
enemies, nor a king's authority, could unite for her own advantage; so
that she found herself in a state of the utmost wretchedness, harassed
without by Uguccione, and plundered within by Lando d'Agobbio.

The friends of the king and those who opposed Lando and his followers,
were either of noble families or the highest of the people, and all
Guelphs; but their adversaries being in power they could not discover
their minds without incurring the greatest danger. Being, however,
determined to deliver themselves from such disgraceful tyranny, they
secretly wrote to King Robert, requesting him to appoint for his vicar
in Florence Count Guido da Battifolle. The king complied; and the
opposite party, although the Signory were opposed to the king, on
account of the good quality of the count, did not dare to resist him.
Still his authority was not great, because the Signory and Gonfaloniers
of the companies were in favor of Lando and his party.

During these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Bohemia passed
through Florence, in search of her husband, Charles, the son of King
Robert, and was received with the greatest respect by the friends of the
king, who complained to her of the unhappy state of the city, and of the
tyranny of Lando and his partisans; so that through her influence and
the exertions of the king's friends, the citizens were again united, and
before her departure, Lando was stripped of all authority and send back
to Agobbio, laden with blood and plunder. In reforming the government,
the sovereignty of the city was continued to the king for another three
years, and as there were then in office seven Signors of the party
of Lando, six more were appointed of the king's friends, and some
magistracies were composed of thirteen Signors; but not long afterward
the number was reduced to seven according to ancient custom.



CHAPTER VI

War with Castruccio--Castruccio marches against Prato and retires
without making any attempt--The emigrants not being allowed to return,
endeavor to enter the city by force, and are repulsed--Change in
the mode of electing the great officers of state--The Squittini
established--The Florentines under Raymond of Cardona are routed
by Castruccio at Altopascio--Treacherous designs of Raymond--The
Florentines give the sovereignty of the city to Charles duke of Cambria,
who appoints the duke of Athens for his vicar--The duke of Calabria
comes to Florence--The Emperor Louis of Bavaria visits Italy--The
excitement he produces--Death of Castruccio and of Charles duke of
Calabria--Reform of government.

About the same time, Uguccione lost the sovereignty of Lucca and of
Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, a citizen of Lucca, became lord of
them, who, being a young man, bold and fierce, and fortunate in his
enterprises, in a short time became the head of the Ghibellines in
Tuscany. On this account the discords among the Florentines were
laid aside for some years, at first to abate the increasing power
of Castruccio, and afterward to unite their means for mutual defense
against him. And in order to give increased strength and efficacy to
their counsels, the Signory appointed twelve citizens whom they called
Buonomini, or good men, without whose advice and consent nothing of
any importance could be carried into effect. The conclusion of the
sovereignty of King Robert being come, the citizens took the government
into their own hands, reappointed the usual rectors and magistracies,
and were kept united by the dread of Castruccio, who, after many efforts
against the lords of Lunigiano, attacked Prato, to the relief of which
the Florentines having resolved to go, shut up their shops and houses,
and proceeded thither in a body, amounting to twenty thousand foot and
one thousand five hundred horse. And in order to reduce the number of
Castruccio's friends and augment their own, the Signory declared that
every rebel of the Guelphic party who should come to the relief of Prato
would be restored to his country; they thus increased their army with an
addition of four thousand men. This great force being quickly brought
to Prato, alarmed Castruccio so much, that without trying the fortune
of battle, he retired toward Lucca. Upon this, disturbances arose in the
Florentine camp between the nobility and the people, the latter of whom
wished to pursue the foe and destroy him; the former were for returning
home, saying they had done enough for Prato in hazarding the safety
of Florence on its account, which they did not regret under the
circumstances, but now, that necessity no longer existing, the propriety
of further risk ceased also, as there was little to be gained and much
to lose. Not being able to agree, the question was referred to the
Signory, among whom the difference of opinion was equally great; and
as the matter spread throughout the city, the people drew together, and
used such threatening language against the nobility that they, being
apprehensive for their safety, yielded; but the resolution being adopted
too late, and by many unwillingly, gave the enemy time to withdraw in
safety to Lucca.

This unfortunate circumstance made the people so indignant against
the great that the Signory refused to perform the promise made to
the exiles, and the latter, anticipating the fact, determined to be
beforehand, and were at the gates of Florence to gain admittance into
the city before the rest of the forces; but their design did not take
effect, for their purpose being foreseen, they were repulsed by those
who had remained at home. They then endeavored to acquire by entreaty
what they had failed to obtain by force; and sent eight men as
ambassadors to the Signory, to remind them of the promise given, and
of the dangers they had undergone, in hope of the reward which had been
held out to them. And although the nobility, who felt the obligation on
account of their having particularly undertaken to fulfill the promise
for which the Signory had bound themselves, used their utmost exertion
in favor of the exiles, so great was the anger of the multitude on
account of their only partial success against Castruccio, that they
could not obtain their admission. This occasioned cost and dishonor to
the city; for many of the nobility, taking offense at this proceeding,
endeavored to obtain by arms that which had been refused to their
prayers, and agreed with the exiles that they should come armed to the
city, and that those within would arm themselves in their defense. But
the affair was discovered before the appointed day arrived, so that
those without found the city in arms, and prepared to resist them. So
completely subdued were those within, that none dared to take arms; and
thus the undertaking was abandoned, without any advantage having
been obtained by the party. After the departure of the exiles it was
determined to punish those who had been instrumental in bringing them
to the city; but, although everyone knew who were the delinquents,
none ventured to name and still less to accuse them. It was, therefore,
resolved that in order to come at the truth, everyone should write
the names of those he believed to be guilty, and present the writing
secretly to the Capitano. By this means, Amerigo Donati, Teghiajo,
Frescobaldi, and Lotteringo Gherardini were accused; but, the judges
being more favorably disposed to them than, perhaps, their misdeeds
deserved, each escaped by paying a fine.

The tumults which arose in Florence from the coming of the rebels to the
gates, showed that one leader was insufficient for the companies of
the people; they, therefore, determined that in future each should have
three or four; and to every Gonfalonier two or three Pennonieri (pennon
bearers) were added, so that if the whole body were not drawn out, a
part might operate under one of them. And as happens in republics, after
any disturbance, some old laws are annulled and others renewed, so
on this occasion, as it had been previously customary to appoint the
Signory for a time only, the then existing Signors and the Colleagues,
feeling themselves possessed of sufficient power, assumed the authority
to fix upon the Signors that would have to sit during the next forty
months, by putting their names into a bag or purse, and drawing them
every two months. But, before the expiration of the forty months, many
citizens were jealous that their names had not been deposited among
the rest, and a new emborsation was made. From this beginning arose the
custom of emborsing or enclosing the names of all who should take office
in any of the magistracies for a long time to come, as well those whose
offices employed them within the city as those abroad, though previously
the councils of the retiring magistrates had elected those who were to
succeed them. These emborsations were afterward called Squittini, or
pollings,--and it was thought they would prevent much trouble to the
city, and remove the cause of those tumults which every three, or at
most five, years, took place upon the creation of magistrates, from the
number of candidates for office. And not being able to adopt a better
expedient, they made use of this, but did not observe the defects which
lay concealed under such a trivial accommodation.

In 1325, Castruccio, having taken possession of Pistoia, became so
powerful that the Florentines, fearing his greatness, resolved, before
he should get himself firmly seated in his new conquest, to attack him
and withdraw it from his authority. Of their citizens and friends they
mustered an army amounting to 20,000 foot and 3,000 horse, and with this
body encamped before Altopascio, with the intention of taking the place
and thus preventing it from relieving Pistoia. Being successful in the
first part of their design, they marched toward Lucca, and laid the
country waste in their progress; but from the little prudence and less
integrity of their leader, Ramondo di Cardona, they made but small
progress; for he, having observed them upon former occasions very
prodigal of their liberty, placing it sometimes in the hands of a king,
at others in those of a legate, or persons of even inferior quality,
thought, if he could bring them into some difficulty, it might easily
happen that they would make him their prince. Nor did he fail frequently
to mention these matters, and required to have that authority in the
city which had been given him over the army, endeavoring to show that
otherwise he could not enforce the obedience requisite to a leader. As
the Florentines did not consent to this, he wasted time, and allowed
Castruccio to obtain the assistance which the Visconti and other tyrants
of Lombardy had promised him, and thus become very strong. Ramondo,
having willfully let the opportunity of victory pass away, now
found himself unable to escape; for Castruccio coming up with him at
Altopascio, a great battle ensued in which many citizens were slain and
taken prisoners, and among the former fell Ramondo, who received from
fortune that reward of bad faith and mischievous counsels which he had
richly deserved from the Florentines. The injury they suffered from
Castruccio, after the battle, in plunder, prisoners, destruction,
and burning of property, is quite indescribable; for, without any
opposition, during many months, he led his predatory forces wherever he
thought proper, and it seemed sufficient to the Florentines if, after
such a terrible event, they could save their city.

Still they were not so absolutely cast down as to prevent them from
raising great sums of money, hiring troops, and sending to their friends
for assistance; but all they could do was insufficient to restrain such
a powerful enemy; so that they were obliged to offer the sovereignty to
Charles duke of Calabria, son of King Robert, if they could induce him
to come to their defense; for these princes, being accustomed to rule
Florence, preferred her obedience to her friendship. But Charles, being
engaged in the wars of Sicily, and therefore unable to undertake the
sovereignty of the city, sent in his stead Walter, by birth a Frenchman,
and duke of Athens. He, as viceroy, took possession of the city, and
appointed the magistracies according to his own pleasure; but his mode
of proceeding was quite correct, and so completely contrary to his real
nature, that everyone respected him.

The affairs of Sicily being composed, Charles came to Florence with a
thousand horse. He made his entry into the city in July, 1326, and
his coming prevented further pillage of the Florentine territory by
Castruccio. However, the influence which they acquired without the city
was lost within her walls, and the evils which they did not suffer from
their enemies were brought upon them by their friends; for the Signory
could not do anything without the consent of the duke of Calabria,
who, in the course of one year, drew from the people 400,000 florins,
although by the agreement entered into with him, the sum was not to
exceed 200,000; so great were the burdens with which either himself or
his father constantly oppressed them.

To these troubles were added new jealousies and new enemies; for the
Ghibellines of Lombardy became so alarmed upon the arrival of Charles in
Tuscany, that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants, by money
and promises, induced Louis of Bavaria, who had lately been elected
emperor contrary to the wish of the pope, to come into Italy. After
passing through Lombardy he entered Tuscany, and with the assistance
of Castruccio, made himself master of Pisa, from whence, having been
pacified with sums of money, he directed his course towards Rome. This
caused the duke of Calabria to be apprehensive for the safety of Naples;
he therefore left Florence, and appointed as his viceroy Filippo da
Saggineto.

After the departure of the emperor, Castruccio made himself master of
Pisa, but the Florentines, by a treaty with Pistoia, withdrew her from
obedience to him. Castruccio then besieged Pistoia, and persevered
with so much vigor and resolution, that although the Florentines often
attempted to relieve her, by attacking first his army and then his
country, they were unable either by force or policy to remove him; so
anxious was he to punish the Pistolesi and subdue the Florentines. At
length the people of Pistoia were compelled to receive him for their
sovereign; but this event, although greatly to his glory, proved but
little to his advantage, for upon his return to Lucca he died. And as
one event either of good or evil seldom comes alone, at Naples also died
Charles duke of Calabria and lord of Florence, so that in a short time,
beyond the expectation of their most sanguine hopes, the Florentines
found themselves delivered from the domination of the one and the fear
of the other. Being again free, they set about the reformation of the
city, annulled all the old councils, and created two new ones, the one
composed of 300 citizens from the class of the people, the other of 250
from the nobility and the people.

The first was called the Council of the People, the other the Council of
the Commune.



CHAPTER VII

The Emperor at Rome--The Florentines refuse to purchase Lucca, and
repent of it--Enterprises of the Florentines--Conspiracy of the Bardi
and the Frescobaldi--The conspiracy discovered and checked--Maffeo da
Marradi appeases the tumult--Lucca is purchased by the Florentines
and taken by the Pisans--The duke of Athens at Florence--The nobility
determine to make him prince of the city.

The emperor, being arrived at Rome, created an anti-pope, did many
things in opposition to the church, and attempted many others, but
without effect, so that at last he retired with disgrace, and went to
Pisa, where, either because they were not paid, or from disaffection,
about 800 German horse mutinied, and fortified themselves at Montechiaro
upon the Ceruglio; and when the emperor had left Pisa to go into
Lombardy, they took possession of Lucca and drove out Francesco
Castracani, whom he had left there. Designing to turn their conquest to
account, they offered it to the Florentines for 80,000 florins, which,
by the advice of Simone della Tosa, was refused. This resolution, if
they had remained in it, would have been of the greatest utility to
the Florentines; but as they shortly afterward changed their minds,
it became most pernicious; for although at the time they might have
obtained peaceful possession of her for a small sum and would not,
they afterward wished to have her and could not, even for a much larger
amount; which caused many and most hurtful changes to take place in
Florence. Lucca, being refused by the Florentines, was purchased by
Gherardino Spinoli, a Genoese, for 30,000 florins. And as men are often
less anxious to take what is in their power than desirous of that which
they cannot attain, as soon as the purchase of Gherardino became known,
and for how small a sum it had been bought, the people of Florence were
seized with an extreme desire to have it, blaming themselves and those
by whose advice they had been induced to reject the offer made to them.
And in order to obtain by force what they had refused to purchase, they
sent troops to plunder and overrun the country of the Lucchese.

About this time the emperor left Italy. The anti-pope, by means of the
Pisans, became a prisoner in France; and the Florentines from the death
of Castruccio, which occurred in 1328, remained in domestic peace till
1340, and gave their undivided attention to external affairs, while many
wars were carried on in Lombardy, occasioned by the coming of John king
of Bohemia, and in Tuscany, on account of Lucca. During this period
Florence was ornamented with many new buildings, and by the advice of
Giotto, the most distinguished painter of his time, they built the tower
of Santa Reparata. Besides this, the waters of the Arno having, in 1333,
risen twelve feet above their ordinary level, destroyed some of the
bridges and many buildings, all which were restored with great care and
expense.

In the year 1340, new sources of disagreement arose. The great had two
ways of increasing or preserving their power; the one, so to restrain
the emborsation of magistrates, that the lot always fell upon themselves
or their friends; the other, that having the election of the rectors,
they were always favorable to their party. This second mode they
considered of so great importance, that the ordinary rectors not being
sufficient for them, they on some occasions elected a third, and at
this time they had made an extraordinary appointment, under the title
of captain of the guard, of Jacopo Gabrielli of Agobbio, and endowed him
with unlimited authority over the citizens. This man, under the sanction
of those who governed, committed constant outrages; and among those whom
he injured were Piero de' Bardi and Bardo Frescobaldi. These being of
the nobility, and naturally proud, could not endure that a stranger,
supported by a few powerful men, should without cause injure them with
impunity, and consequently entered into a conspiracy against him and
those by whom he was supported. They were joined by many noble families,
and some of the people, who were offended with the tyranny of those in
power. Their plan was, that each should bring into his house a number of
armed men, and on the morning after the day of All Saints, when almost
all would be in the temples praying for their dead, they should take
arms, kill the Capitano and those who were at the head of affairs, and
then, with a new Signory and new ordinances, reform the government.

But, as the more a dangerous business is considered, the less willingly
it is undertaken, it commonly happens, when there is any time allowed
between the determining upon a perilous enterprise and its execution,
that the conspiracy by one means or another becomes known. Andrea de'
Bardi was one of the conspirators, and upon reconsideration of the
matter, the fear of the punishment operated more powerfully upon him
than the desire of revenge, and he disclosed the affair to Jacopo
Alberti, his brother-in-law. Jacopo acquainted the Priors, and they
informed the government. And as the danger was near, All Saints' day
being just at hand, many citizens met together in the palace; and
thinking their peril increased by delay, they insisted that the Signory
should order the alarm to be rung, and called the people together in
arms. Taldo Valori was at this time Gonfalonier, and Francesco Salviati
one of the Signory, who, being relatives of the Bardi, were unwilling to
summon the people with the bell, alleging as a reason that it is by
no means well to assemble them in arms upon every slight occasion,
for power put into the hands of an unrestrained multitude was never
beneficial; that it is an easy matter to excite them to violence, but
a difficult thing to restrain them; and that, therefore, it would be
taking a more prudent course if they were to inquire into the truth of
the affair, and punish the delinquents by the civil authority, than to
attempt, upon a simple information, to correct it by such a tumultuous
means, and thus hazard the safety of the city. None would listen to
these remarks; the Signory were assailed with insolent behavior and
indecent expressions, and compelled to sound the alarm, upon which the
people presently assembled in arms. On the other hand, the Bardi and the
Frescobaldi, finding themselves discovered, that they might conquer
with glory or die without shame, armed themselves, in the hope that they
would be able to defend that part of the city beyond the river, where
their houses were situated; and they fortified the bridge in expectation
of assistance, which they expected from the nobles and their friends in
the country. Their design was frustrated by the people who, in common
with themselves, occupied this part of the city; for these took arms
in favor of the Signory, so that, seeing themselves thus circumstanced,
they abandoned the bridges, and betook themselves to the street in which
the Bardi resided, as being a stronger situation than any other; and
this they defended with great bravery.

Jacopo d'Agobbio, knowing the whole conspiracy was directed against
himself, in fear of death, terrified and vanquished, kept himself
surrounded with forces near the palace of the Signory; but the other
rectors, who were much less blamable, discovered greater courage, and
especially the podesta or provost, whose name was Maffeo da Marradi. He
presented himself among the combatants without any fear, and passing the
bridge of the Rubaconte amid the swords of the Bardi, made a sign that
he wished to speak to them. Upon this, their reverence for the man, his
noble demeanor, and the excellent qualities he was known to possess,
caused an immediate cessation of the combat, and induced them to listen
to him patiently. He very gravely, but without the use of any bitter or
aggravating expressions, blamed their conspiracy, showed the danger they
would incur if they still contended against the popular feeling, gave
them reason to hope their complaints would be heard and mercifully
considered, and promised that he himself would use his endeavors in
their behalf. He then returned to the Signory, and implored them to
spare the blood of the citizens, showing the impropriety of judging them
unheard, and at length induced them to consent that the Bardi and the
Frescobaldi, with their friends, should leave the city, and without
impediment be allowed to retire to their castles. Upon their departure
the people being again disarmed, the Signory proceeded against those
only of the Bardi and Frescobaldi families who had taken arms. To lessen
their power, they bought of the Bardi the castle of Mangona and that
of Vernia; and enacted a law which provided that no citizen should be
allowed to possess a castle or fortified place within twenty miles of
Florence.

After a few months, Stiatta Frescobaldi was beheaded, and many of his
family banished. Those who governed, not satisfied with having subdued
the Bardi and the Frescobaldi, as is most commonly the case, the more
authority they possessed the worse use they made of it and the more
insolent they became. As they had hitherto had one captain of the guard
who afflicted the city, they now appointed another for the country, with
unlimited authority, to the end that those whom they suspected might
abide neither within nor without. And they excited them to such
excesses against the whole of the nobility, that these were driven to
desperation, and ready to sell both themselves and the city to obtain
revenge. The occasion at length came, and they did not fail to use it.

The troubles of Tuscany and Lombardy had brought the city of Lucca under
the rule of Mastino della Scala, lord of Verona, who, though bound by
contract to assign her to the Florentines, had refused to do so; for,
being lord of Parma, he thought he should be able to retain her, and did
not trouble himself about his breach of faith. Upon this the Florentines
joined the Venetians, and with their assistance brought Mastino to
the brink of ruin. They did not, however, derive any benefit from
this beyond the slight satisfaction of having conquered him; for the
Venetians, like all who enter into league with less powerful states than
themselves, having acquired Trevigi and Vicenza, made peace with Mastino
without the least regard for the Florentines. Shortly after this, the
Visconti, lords of Milan, having taken Parma from Mastino, he found
himself unable to retain Lucca, and therefore determined to sell it. The
competitors for the purchase were the Florentines and the Pisans; and in
the course of the treaty the Pisans, finding that the Florentines, being
the richer people, were about to obtain it, had recourse to arms,
and, with the assistance of the Visconti, marched against Lucca. The
Florentines did not, on that account, withdraw from the purchase, but
having agreed upon the terms with Mastino, paid part of the money,
gave security for the remainder, and sent Naddo Rucellai, Giovanni
di Bernadino de' Medici, and Rosso di Ricciardo de' Ricci, to take
possession, who entered Lucca by force, and Mastino's people delivered
the city to them. Nevertheless, the Pisans continued the siege, and the
Florentines used their utmost endeavors to relieve her; but after a long
war, loss of money, and accumulation of disgrace, they were compelled to
retire, and the Pisans became lords of Lucca.

The loss of this city, as in like cases commonly happens, exasperated
the people of Florence against the members of the government; at every
street corner and public place they were openly censured, and the entire
misfortune was laid to the charge of their greediness and mismanagement.
At the beginning of the war, twenty citizens had been appointed to
undertake the direction of it, who appointed Malatesta da Rimini to
the command of the forces. He having exhibited little zeal and less
prudence, they requested assistance from Robert king of Naples, and he
sent them Walter duke of Athens, who, as Providence would have it,
to bring about the approaching evils, arrived at Florence just at the
moment when the undertaking against Lucca had entirely failed. Upon this
the Twenty, seeing the anger of the people, thought to inspire them with
fresh hopes by the appointment of a new leader, and thus remove, or at
least abate, the causes of calumny against themselves. As there was much
to be feared, and that the duke of Athens might have greater authority
to defend them, they first chose him for their coadjutor, and then
appointed him to the command of the army. The nobility, who were
discontented from the causes above mentioned, having many of them been
acquainted with Walter, when upon a former occasion he had governed
Florence for the duke of Calabria, thought they had now an opportunity,
though with the ruin of the city, of subduing their enemies; for there
was no means of prevailing against those who had oppressed them but of
submitting to the authority of a prince who, being acquainted with the
worth of one party and the insolence of the other, would restrain the
latter and reward the former. To this they added a hope of the benefits
they might derive from him when he had acquired the principality by
their means. They, therefore, took several occasions of being with him
secretly, and entreated he would take the command wholly upon himself,
offering him the utmost assistance in their power. To their influence
and entreaty were also added those of some families of the people; these
were the Peruzzi, Acciajuoli, Antellesi, and Buonaccorsi, who, being
overwhelmed with debts, and without means of their own, wished for those
of others to liquidate them, and, by the slavery of their country,
to deliver themselves from their servitude to their creditors. These
demonstrations excited the ambitious mind of the duke to greater desire
of dominion, and in order to gain himself the reputation of strict
equity and justice, and thus increase his favor with the plebeians, he
prosecuted those who had conducted the war against Lucca, condemned many
to pay fines, others to exile, and put to death Giovanni de' Medici,
Naddo Rucellai, and Guglielmo Altoviti.



CHAPTER VIII

The Duke of Athens requires to be made prince of Florence--The Signory
address the duke upon the subject--The plebeians proclaim him prince
of Florence for life--Tyrannical proceedings of the duke--The city
disgusted with him--Conspiracies against the duke--The duke discovers
the conspiracies, and becomes terrified--The city rises against him--He
is besieged in the palace--Measures adopted by the citizens for
reform of the government--The duke is compelled to withdraw from the
city--Miserable deaths of Guglielmo da Scesi and his son--Departure of
the duke of Athens--His character.

These executions greatly terrified the middle class of citizens, but
gave satisfaction to the great and to the plebeians;--to the latter,
because it is their nature to delight in evil; and to the former, by
thus seeing themselves avenged of the many wrongs they had suffered from
the people. When the duke passed along the streets he was hailed with
loud cheers, the boldness of his proceedings was praised, and both
parties joined in open entreaties that he would search out the faults of
the citizens, and punish them.

The office of the Twenty began to fall into disuse, while the power
of the duke became great, and the influence of fear excessive; so that
everyone, in order to appear friendly to him, caused his arms to be
painted over their houses, and the name alone was all he needed to be
absolutely prince. Thinking himself upon such a footing that he might
safely attempt anything, he gave the Signory to understand that he
judged it necessary for the good of the city, that the sovereignty
should be freely given to him, and that as the rest of the citizens were
willing that it should be so, he desired they would also consent. The
Signory, notwithstanding many had foreseen the ruin of their country,
were much disturbed at this demand; and although they were aware of the
dangerous position in which they stood, that they might not be wanting
in their duty, resolutely refused to comply. The duke had, in order to
assume a greater appearance of religion and humanity, chosen for his
residence the convent of the Minor Canons of St. Croce, and in order
to carry his evil designs into effect, proclaimed that all the people
should, on the following morning, present themselves before him in the
piazza of the convent. This command alarmed the Signory much more than
his discourse to them had done, and they consulted with those citizens
whom they thought most attached to their country and to liberty; but
they could not devise any better plan, knowing the power of which the
duke was possessed, than to endeavor by entreaty to induce him either to
forego his design or to make his government less intolerable. A party of
them was, therefore, appointed to wait upon him, one of whom addressed
him in the following manner:--

"We appear before you, my lord, induced first by the demand which you
have made, and then by the orders you have given for a meeting of the
people; for it appears to us very clearly, that it is your intention
to effect by extraordinary means the design from which we have hitherto
withheld our consent. It is not, however, our intention to oppose you
with force, but only to show what a heavy charge you take upon yourself,
and the dangerous course you adopt; to the end that you may remember our
advice and that of those who, not by consideration of what is beneficial
for you, but for the gratification of their own unreasonable wishes,
have advised you differently. You are endeavoring to reduce to slavery a
city that has always existed in freedom; for the authority which we
have at times conceded to the kings of Naples was companionship and
not servitude. Have you considered the mighty things which the name
of liberty implies to such a city as this, and how delightful it is to
those who hear it? It has a power which nothing can subdue, time cannot
wear away, nor can any degree of merit in a prince countervail the loss
of it. Consider, my lord, how great the force must be that can keep a
city like this in subjection, no foreign aid would enable you to do it;
neither can you confide in those at home; for they who are at present
your friends, and advise you to adopt the course you now pursue, as soon
as with your assistance they have overcome their enemies, will at once
turn their thoughts toward effecting your destruction, and then take
the government upon themselves. The plebeians, in whom you confide, will
change upon any accident, however trivial; so that in a very short time
you may expect to see the whole city opposed to you, which will produce
both their ruin and your own. Nor will you be able to find any remedy
for this; for princes who have but few enemies may make their government
very secure by the death or banishment of those who are opposed to them;
but when the hatred is universal, no security whatever can be found, for
you cannot tell from what direction the evil may commence; and he who
has to apprehend every man his enemy cannot make himself assured of
anyone. And if you should attempt to secure a friend or two, you would
only increase the dangers of your situation; for the hatred of the
rest would be increased by your success, and they would become more
resolutely disposed to vengeance.

"That time can neither destroy nor abate the desire for freedom is most
certain; for it has been often observed, that those have reassumed their
liberty who in their own persons had never tasted of its charms, and
love it only from remembrance of what they have heard their fathers
relate; and, therefore, when recovered, have preserved it with
indomitable resolution and at every hazard. And even when their
fathers could not remember it, the public buildings, the halls of the
magistracy, and the insignia of free institutions, remind them of it;
and these things cannot fail to be known and greatly desired by every
class of citizens.

"What is it you imagine you can do, that would be an equivalent for
the sweets of liberty, or make men lose the desire of their present
conditions? No; if you were to join the whole of Tuscany to the
Florentine rule, if you were to return to the city daily in triumph
over her enemies, what could it avail? The glory would not be ours,
but yours. We should not acquire fellow-citizens, but partakers of our
bondage, who would serve to sink us still deeper in ignominy. And if
your conduct were in every respect upright, your demeanor amiable, and
your judgments equitable, all these would be insufficient to make you
beloved. If you imagine otherwise, you deceive yourself; for, to one
accustomed to the enjoyment of liberty, the slightest chains feel
heavy, and every tie upon his free soul oppresses him. Besides, it is
impossible to find a violent people associated with a good prince, for
of necessity they must soon become alike, or their difference produce
the ruin of one of them. You may, therefore, be assured, that you
will either have to hold this city by force, to effect which, guards,
castles, and external aid have oft been found insufficient, or be
content with the authority we have conferred; and this we would advise,
reminding you that no dominion can be durable to which the governed do
not consent; and we have no wish to lead you, blinded by ambition, to
such a point that, unable either to stand or advance, you must, to the
great injury of both, of necessity fall."

This discourse did not in the slightest degree soften the obdurate mind
of the duke, who replied that it was not his intention to rob the city
of her liberty, but to restore it to her; for those cities alone are in
slavery that are disunited, while the united are free. As Florence, by
her factions and ambition, had deprived herself of liberty, he should
restore, not take it from her; and as he had been induced to take this
charge upon himself, not from his own ambition, but at the entreaty of
a great number of citizens, they would do well to be satisfied with that
which produced contentment among the rest. With regard to the danger he
might incur, he thought nothing of it; for it was not the part of a good
man to avoid doing good from his apprehension of evil, and it was the
part of a coward to shun a glorious undertaking because some uncertainty
attended the success of the attempt; and he knew he should so
conduct himself, that they would soon see they had entertained great
apprehensions and been in little danger.

The Signory then agreed, finding they could not do better, that on the
following morning the people should be assembled in their accustomed
place of meeting, and with their consent the Signory should confer
upon the duke the sovereignty of the city for one year, on the same
conditions as it had been intrusted to the duke of Calabria. It was upon
the 8th of November, 1342, when the duke, accompanied by Giovanni della
Tosa and all his confederates, with many other citizens, came to the
piazza or court of the palace, and having, with the Signory mounted upon
the ringhiera, or rostrum (as the Florentines call those steps which
lead to the palace), the agreement which had been entered into between
the Signory and himself was read. When they had come to the passage
which gave the government to him for one year, the people shouted, "FOR
LIFE." Upon this, Francesco Rustichelli, one of the Signory, arose to
speak, and endeavored to abate the tumult and procure a hearing; but the
mob, with their hootings, prevented him from being heard by anyone; so
that with the consent of the people the duke was elected, not for one
year merely, but for life. He was then borne through the piazza by the
crowd, shouting his name as they proceeded.

It is the custom that he who is appointed to the guard of the palace
shall, in the absence of the Signory, remain locked within. This office
was at that time held by Rinieri di Giotto, who, bribed by the friends
of the duke, without waiting for any force, admitted him immediately.
The Signory, terrified and dishonored, retired to their own houses; the
palace was plundered by the followers of the duke, the Gonfalon of the
people torn to pieces, and the arms of the duke placed over the palace.
All this happened to the indescribable sorrow of good men, though to
the satisfaction of those who, either from ignorance or malignity, were
consenting parties.

The duke, having acquired the sovereignty of the city, in order to strip
those of all authority who had been defenders of her liberty, forbade
the Signory to assemble in the palace, and appointed a private dwelling
for their use. He took their colors from the Gonfaloniers of the
companies of the people; abolished the ordinances made for the restraint
of the great; set at liberty those who were imprisoned; recalled the
Bardi and the Frescobaldi from exile, and forbade everyone from carrying
arms about his person. In order the better to defend himself against
those within the city, he made friends of all he could around it, and
therefore conferred great benefits upon the Aretini and other subjects
of the Florentines. He made peace with the Pisans, although raised to
power in order that he might carry on war against them; ceased paying
interest to those merchants who, during the war against Lucca, had lent
money to the republic; increased the old taxes, levied new ones, and
took from the Signory all authority. His rectors were Baglione da
Perugia and Guglielmo da Scesi, who, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini,
were the persons with whom he consulted on public affairs. He imposed
burdensome taxes upon the citizens; his decisions between contending
parties were unjust; and that precision and humanity which he had at
first assumed, became cruelty and pride; so that many of the greatest
citizens and noblest people were, either by fines, death, or some new
invention, grievously oppressed. And in completing the same bad system,
both without the city and within, he appointed six rectors for the
country, who beat and plundered the inhabitants. He suspected the great,
although he had been benefited by them, and had restored many to their
country; for he felt assured that the generous minds of the nobility
would not allow them, from any motives, to submit contentedly to his
authority. He also began to confer benefits and advantages upon the
lowest orders, thinking that with their assistance, and the arms of
foreigners, he would be able to preserve the tyranny. The month of May,
during which feasts are held, being come, he caused many companies to
be formed of the plebeians and very lowest of the people, and to these,
dignified with splendid titles, he gave colors and money; and while
one party went in bacchanalian procession through the city, others were
stationed in different parts of it, to receive them as guests. As the
report of the duke's authority spread abroad, many of French origin came
to him, for all of whom he found offices and emoluments, as if they
had been the most trustworthy of men; so that in a short time Florence
became not only subject to French dominion, but adopted their dress
and manners; for men and women, without regard to propriety or sense
of shame, imitated them. But that which disgusted the people most
completely was the violence which, without any distinction of quality or
rank, he and his followers committed upon the women.

The people were filled with indignation, seeing the majesty of the state
overturned, its ordinances annihilated, its laws annulled, and every
decent regulation set at naught; for men unaccustomed to royal pomp
could not endure to see this man surrounded with his armed satellites on
foot and on horseback; and having now a closer view of their disgrace,
they were compelled to honor him whom they in the highest degree
hated. To this hatred, was added the terror occasioned by the continual
imposition of new taxes and frequent shedding of blood, with which he
impoverished and consumed the city.

The duke was not unaware of these impressions existing strongly in the
people's minds, nor was he without fear of the consequences; but still
pretended to think himself beloved; and when Matteo di Morozzo, either
to acquire his favor or to free himself from danger, gave information
that the family of the Medici and some others had entered into a
conspiracy against him he not only did not inquire into the matter, but
caused the informer to be put to a cruel death. This mode of proceeding
restrained those who were disposed to acquaint him of his danger and
gave additional courage to such as sought his ruin. Bertone Cini, having
ventured to speak against the taxes with which the people were loaded,
had his tongue cut out with such barbarous cruelty as to cause his
death. This shocking act increased the people's rage, and their hatred
of the duke; for those who were accustomed to discourse and to act upon
every occasion with the greatest boldness, could not endure to live with
their hands tied and forbidden to speak.

This oppression increased to such a degree, that not merely the
Florentines, who though unable to preserve their liberty cannot endure
slavery, but the most servile people on earth would have been roused to
attempt the recovery of freedom; and consequently many citizens of all
ranks resolved either to deliver themselves from this odious tyranny or
die in the attempt. Three distinct conspiracies were formed; one of the
great; another of the people, and the third of the working classes; each
of which, besides the general causes which operated upon the whole, were
excited by some other particular grievance. The great found themselves
deprived of all participation in the government; the people had lost the
power they possessed, and the artificers saw themselves deficient in the
usual remuneration of their labor.

Agnolo Acciajuoli was at this time archbishop of Florence, and by his
discourses had formerly greatly favored the duke, and procured him many
followers among the higher class of the people. But when he found him
lord of the city, and became acquainted with his tyrannical mode of
proceeding, it appeared to him that he had misled his countrymen; and to
correct the evil he had done, he saw no other course, but to attempt the
cure by the means which had caused it. He therefore became the leader
of the first and most powerful conspiracy, and was joined by the Bardi,
Rossi, Frescobaldi, Scali Altoviti, Magalotti, Strozzi, and Mancini. Of
the second, the principals were Manno and Corso Donati, and with them
the Pazzi, Cavicciulli, Cerchi, and Albizzi. Of the third the first
was Antonio Adimari, and with him the Medici, Bordini, Rucellai, and
Aldobrandini. It was the intention of these last, to slay him in the
house of the Albizzi, whither he was expected to go on St. John's day,
to see the horses run, but he not having gone, their design did not
succeed. They then resolved to attack him as he rode through the
city; but they found this would be very difficult; for he was always
accompanied with a considerable armed force, and never took the same
road twice together, so that they had no certainty of where to find him.
They had a design of slaying him in the council, although they knew that
if he were dead, they would be at the mercy of his followers.

While these matters were being considered by the conspirators, Antonio
Adimari, in expectation of getting assistance from them, disclosed
the affair to some Siennese, his friends, naming certain of the
conspirators, and assuring them that the whole city was ready to rise at
once. One of them communicated the matter to Francesco Brunelleschi,
not with a design to injure the plot, but in the hope that he would join
them. Francesco, either from personal fear, or private hatred of some
one, revealed the whole to the duke; whereupon, Pagolo del Mazecha and
Simon da Monterappoli were taken, who acquainted him with the number and
quality of the conspirators. This terrified him, and he was advised to
request their presence rather than to take them prisoners, for if they
fled, he might without disgrace, secure himself by banishment of the
rest. He therefore sent for Antonio Adimari, who, confiding in
his companions, appeared immediately, and was detained. Francesco
Brunelleschi and Uguccione Buondelmonti advised the duke to take as many
of the conspirators prisoners as he could, and put them to death;
but he, thinking his strength unequal to his foes, did not adopt this
course, but took another, which, had it succeeded, would have freed him
from his enemies and increased his power. It was the custom of the duke
to call the citizens together upon some occasions and advise with them.
He therefore having first sent to collect forces from without, made
a list of three hundred citizens, and gave it to his messengers, with
orders to assemble them under the pretense of public business; and
having drawn them together, it was his intention either to put them to
death or imprison them.

The capture of Antonio Adimari and the sending for forces, which could
not be kept secret, alarmed the citizens, and more particularly those
who were in the plot, so that the boldest of them refused to attend, and
as each had read the list, they sought each other, and resolved to rise
at once and die like men, with arms in their hands, rather than be
led like calves to the slaughter. In a very short time the chief
conspirators became known to each other, and resolved that the next day,
which was the 26th July, 1343, they would raise a disturbance in the Old
Market place, then arm themselves and call the people to freedom.

The next morning being come, at nine o'clock, according to agreement,
they took arms, and at the call of liberty assembled, each party in its
own district, under the ensigns and with the arms of the people,
which had been secretly provided by the conspirators. All the heads of
families, as well of the nobility as of the people, met together, and
swore to stand in each other's defense, and effect the death of the
duke; except some of the Buondelmonti and of the Cavalcanti, with those
four families of the people which had taken so conspicuous a part in
making him sovereign, and the butchers, with others, the lowest of the
plebeians, who met armed in the piazza in his favor.

The duke immediately fortified the place, and ordered those of his
people who were lodged in different parts of the city to mount upon
horseback and join those in the court; but, on their way thither, many
were attacked and slain. However, about three hundred horse assembled,
and the duke was in doubt whether he should come forth and meet
the enemy, or defend himself within. On the other hand, the Medici,
Cavicciulli, Rucellai, and other families who had been most injured by
him, fearful that if he came forth, many of those who had taken arms
against him would discover themselves his partisans, in order to deprive
him of the occasion of attacking them and increasing the number of
his friends, took the lead and assailed the palace. Upon this, those
families of the people who had declared for the duke, seeing themselves
boldly attacked, changed their minds, and all took part with the
citizens, except Uguccione Buondelmonti, who retired into the palace,
and Giannozzo Cavalcanti, who having withdrawn with some of his
followers to the new market, mounted upon a bench, and begged that those
who were going in arms to the piazza, would take the part of the duke.
In order to terrify them, he exaggerated the number of his people and
threatened all with death who should obstinately persevere in their
undertaking against their sovereign. But not finding any one either
to follow him, or to chastise his insolence, and seeing his labor
fruitless, he withdrew to his own house.

In the meantime, the contest in the piazza between the people and the
forces of the duke was very great; but although the place served them
for defense, they were overcome, some yielding to the enemy, and others,
quitting their horses, fled within the walls. While this was going on,
Corso and Amerigo Donati, with a part of the people, broke open the
stinche, or prisons; burnt the papers of the provost and of the public
chamber; pillaged the houses of the rectors, and slew all who had held
offices under the duke whom they could find. The duke, finding the
piazza in possession of his enemies, the city opposed to him, and
without any hope of assistance, endeavored by an act of clemency to
recover the favor of the people. Having caused those whom he had made
prisoners to be brought before him, with amiable and kindly expressions
he set them at liberty, and made Antonio Adimari a knight, although
quite against his will. He caused his own arms to be taken down, and
those of the people to be replaced over the palace; but these things
coming out of season, and forced by his necessities, did him little
good. He remained, notwithstanding all he did, besieged in the palace,
and saw that having aimed at too much he had lost all, and would most
likely, after a few days, die either of hunger, or by the weapons of his
enemies. The citizens assembled in the church of Santa Reparata, to
form the new government, and appointed fourteen citizens, half from
the nobility and half from the people, who, with the archbishop, were
invested with full authority to remodel the state of Florence. They also
elected six others to take upon them the duties of provost, till he who
should be finally chosen took office, the duties of which were usually
performed by a subject of some neighboring state.

Many had come to Florence in defense of the people; among whom were a
party from Sienna, with six ambassadors, men of high consideration in
their own country. These endeavored to bring the people and the duke
to terms; but the former refused to listen to any whatever, unless
Guglielmo da Scesi and his son, with Cerrettieri Bisdomini, were
first given up to them. The duke would not consent to this; but being
threatened by those who were shut up with him, he was forced to comply.
The rage of men is certainly always found greater, and their revenge
more furious upon the recovery of liberty, than when it has only been
defended. Guglielmo and his son were placed among the thousands of their
enemies, and the latter was not yet eighteen years old; neither his
beauty, his innocence, nor his youth, could save him from the fury of
the multitude; but both were instantly slain. Those who could not wound
them while alive, wounded them after they were dead; and not satisfied
with tearing them to pieces, they hewed their bodies with swords, tore
them with their hands, and even with their teeth. And that every sense
might be satiated with vengeance, having first heard their moans, seen
their wounds, and touched their lacerated bodies, they wished even the
stomach to be satisfied, that having glutted the external senses, the
one within might also have its share. This rabid fury, however hurtful
to the father and son, was favorable to Cerrettieri; for the multitude,
wearied with their cruelty toward the former, quite forgot him, so that
he, not being asked for, remained in the palace, and during night was
conveyed safely away by his friends.

The rage of the multitude being appeased by their blood, an agreement
was made that the duke and his people, with whatever belonged to him,
should quit the city in safety; that he should renounce all claim, of
whatever kind, upon Florence, and that upon his arrival in the Casentino
he should ratify his renunciation. On the sixth of August he set out,
accompanied by many citizens, and having arrived at the Casentino he
ratified the agreement, although unwillingly, and would not have kept
his word if Count Simon had not threatened to take him back to Florence.
This duke, as his proceedings testified, was cruel and avaricious,
difficult to speak with, and haughty in reply. He desired the service of
men, not the cultivation of their better feelings, and strove rather
to inspire them with fear than love. Nor was his person less despicable
than his manners; he was short, his complexion was black, and he had a
long, thin beard. He was thus in every respect contemptible; and at the
end of ten months, his misconduct deprived him of the sovereignty which
the evil counsel of others had given him.



CHAPTER IX

Many cities and territories, subject to the Florentines, rebel--Prudent
conduct adopted upon this occasion--The city is divided into
quarters--Disputes between the nobility and the people--The bishop
endeavors to reconcile them, but does not succeed--The government
reformed by the people--Riot of Andrea Strozzi--Serious disagreements
between the nobility and the people--They come to arms, and the nobility
are subdued--The plague in Florence of which Boccaccio speaks.

These events taking place in the city, induced all the dependencies
of the Florentine state to throw off their yoke; so that Arezzo,
Castiglione, Pistoia, Volterra, Colle, and San Gemigniano rebelled. Thus
Florence found herself deprived of both her tyrant and her dominions at
the same moment, and in recovering her liberty, taught her subjects
how they might become free. The duke being expelled and the territories
lost, the fourteen citizens and the bishop thought it would be better to
act kindly toward their subjects in peace, than to make them enemies by
war, and to show a desire that their subjects should be free as well as
themselves. They therefore sent ambassadors to the people of Arezzo, to
renounce all dominion over that city, and to enter into a treaty with
them; to the end that as they could not retain them as subjects, they
might make use of them as friends. They also, in the best manner they
were able, agreed with the other places that they should retain their
freedom, and that, being free, they might mutually assist each other in
the preservation of their liberties. This prudent course was attended
with a most favorable result; for Arezzo, not many years afterward,
returned to the Florentine rule, and the other places, in the course
of a few months, returned to their former obedience. Thus it frequently
occurs that we sooner attain our ends by a seeming indifferent to them,
than by more obstinate pursuit.

Having settled external affairs, they now turned to the consideration of
those within the city; and after some altercation between the nobility
and the people, it was arranged that the nobility should form one-third
of the Signory and fill one-half of the other offices. The city was, as
we have before shown, divided into sixths; and hence there would be six
signors, one for each sixth, except when, from some more than ordinary
cause, there had been twelve or thirteen created; but when this had
occurred they were again soon reduced to six. It now seemed desirable to
make an alteration in this respect, as well because the sixths were
not properly divided, as that, wishing to give their proportion to
the great, it became desirable to increase the number. They therefore
divided the city into quarters, and for each created three signors.
They abolished the office of Gonfalonier of Justice, and also the
Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and instead of the twelve
Buonuomini, or good men, created eight counsellors, four from each
party. The government having been established in this manner, the city
might have been in repose if the great had been content to live in that
moderation which civil society requires. But they produced a contrary
result, for those out of office would not conduct themselves as
citizens, and those who were in government wished to be lords, so that
every day furnished some new instance of their insolence and pride.
These things were very grievous to the people, and they began to regret
that for one tyrant put down, there had sprung up a thousand. The
arrogance of one party and the anger of the other rose to such a degree,
that the heads of the people complained to the bishop of the improper
conduct of the nobility, and what unfit associates they had become for
the people; and begged he would endeavor to induce them to be content
with their share of administration in the other offices, and leave the
magistracy of the Signory wholly to themselves.

The bishop was naturally a well-meaning man, but his want of firmness
rendered him easily influenced. Hence, at the instance of his
associates, he at first favored the duke of Athens, and afterward, by
the advice of other citizens, conspired against him. At the reformation
of the government, he had favored the nobility, and now he appeared to
incline toward the people, moved by the reasons which they had
advanced. Thinking to find in others the same instability of purpose, he
endeavored to effect an amicable arrangement. With this design he called
together the fourteen who were yet in office, and in the best terms
he could imagine advised them to give up the Signory to the people, in
order to secure the peace of the city; and assured them that if they
refused, ruin would most probably be the result.

This discourse excited the anger of the nobility to the highest pitch,
and Ridolfo de' Bardi reproved him in unmeasured terms as a man of
little faith; reminding him of his friendship for the duke, to prove the
duplicity of his present conduct, and saying, that in driving him away
he had acted the part of a traitor. He concluded by telling him, that
the honors they had acquired at their own peril, they would at their own
peril defend. They then left the bishop, and in great wrath, informed
their associates in the government, and all the families of the
nobility, of what had been done. The people also expressed their
thoughts to each other, and as the nobility made preparations for the
defense of their signors, they determined not to wait till they had
perfected their arrangements; and therefore, being armed, hastened to
the palace, shouting, as they went along, that the nobility must give up
their share in the government.

The uproar and excitement were astonishing. The Signors of the nobility
found themselves abandoned; for their friends, seeing all the people in
arms, did not dare to rise in their defense, but each kept within his
own house. The Signors of the people endeavored to abate the excitement
of the multitude, by affirming their associates to be good and moderate
men; but, not succeeding in their attempt, to avoid a greater evil, sent
them home to their houses, whither they were with difficulty conducted.
The nobility having left the palace, the office of the four councillors
was taken from their party, and conferred upon twelve of the people. To
the eight signors who remained, a Gonfalonier of Justice was added, and
sixteen Gonfaloniers of the companies of the people; and the council
was so reformed, that the government remained wholly in the hands of the
popular party.

At the time these events took place there was a great scarcity in the
city, and discontent prevailed both among the highest and the lowest
classes; in the latter for want of food, and in the former from having
lost their power in the state. This circumstance induced Andrea Strozzi
to think of making himself sovereign of the city. Selling his corn at a
lower price than others did, a great many people flocked to his house;
emboldened by the sight of these, he one morning mounted his horse, and,
followed by a considerable number, called the people to arms, and in a
short time drew together about 4,000 men, with whom he proceeded to the
Signory, and demanded that the gates of the palace should be opened. But
the signors, by threats and the force which they retained in the palace,
drove them from the court; and then by proclamation so terrified them,
that they gradually dropped off and returned to their homes, and Andrea,
finding himself alone, with some difficulty escaped falling into the
hands of the magistrates.

This event, although an act of great temerity, and attended with the
result that usually follows such attempts, raised a hope in the minds
of the nobility of overcoming the people, seeing that the lowest of the
plebeians were at enmity with them. And to profit by this circumstance,
they resolved to arm themselves, and with justifiable force recover
those rights of which they had been unjustly deprived. Their minds
acquired such an assurance of success, that they openly provided
themselves with arms, fortified their houses, and even sent to their
friends in Lombardy for assistance. The people and the Signory made
preparation for their defense, and requested aid from Perugia and
Sienna, so that the city was filled with the armed followers of either
party. The nobility on this side of the Arno divided themselves into
three parts; the one occupied the houses of the Cavicciulli, near the
church of St. John; another, the houses of the Pazzi and the Donati,
near the great church of St. Peter; and the third those of the
Cavalcanti in the New Market. Those beyond the river fortified the
bridges and the streets in which their houses stood; the Nerli defended
the bridge of the Carraja; the Frescobaldi and the Manelli, the church
of the Holy Trinity; and the Rossi and the Bardi, the bridge of the
Rubaconte and the Old Bridge. The people were drawn together under the
Gonfalon of justice and the ensigns of the companies of the artisans.

Both sides being thus arranged in order of battle, the people thought
it imprudent to defer the contest, and the attack was commenced by
the Medici and the Rondinelli, who assailed the Cavicciulli, where the
houses of the latter open upon the piazza of St. John. Here both parties
contended with great obstinacy, and were mutually wounded, from the
towers by stones and other missiles, and from below by arrows. They
fought for three hours; but the forces of the people continuing to
increase, and the Cavicciulli finding themselves overcome by numbers,
and hopeless of other assistance, submitted themselves to the people,
who saved their houses and property; and having disarmed them, ordered
them to disperse among their relatives and friends, and remain unarmed.
Being victorious in the first attack, they easily overpowered the Pazzi
and the Donati, whose numbers were less than those they had subdued; so
that there only remained on this side of the Arno, the Cavalcanti, who
were strong both in respect of the post they had chosen and in their
followers. Nevertheless, seeing all the Gonfalons against them, and
that the others had been overcome by three Gonfalons alone, they yielded
without offering much resistance. Three parts of the city were now in
the hands of the people, and only one in possession of the nobility; but
this was the strongest, as well on account of those who held it, as from
its situation, being defended by the Arno; hence it was first necessary
to force the bridges. The Old Bridge was first assailed and offered a
brave resistance; for the towers were armed, the streets barricaded,
and the barricades defended by the most resolute men; so that the
people were repulsed with great loss. Finding their labor at this point
fruitless, they endeavored to force the Rubaconte Bridge, but no
better success resulting, they left four Gonfalons in charge of the two
bridges, and with the others attacked the bridge of the Carraja. Here,
although the Nerli defended themselves like brave men, they could not
resist the fury of the people; for this bridge, having no towers,
was weaker than the others, and was attacked by the Capponi, and many
families of the people who lived in that vicinity. Being thus assailed
on all sides, they abandoned the barricades and gave way to the people,
who then overcame the Rossi and the Frescobaldi; for all those beyond
the Arno took part with the conquerors.

There was now no resistance made except by the Bardi, who remained
undaunted, notwithstanding the failure of their friends, the union of
the people against them, and the little chance of success which they
seemed to have. They resolved to die fighting, and rather see their
houses burned and plundered, than submit to the power of their enemies.
They defended themselves with such obstinacy, that many fruitless
attempts were made to overcome them, both at the Old Bridge and the
Rubaconte; but their foes were always repulsed with loss. There had in
former times been a street which led between the houses of the Pitti,
from the Roman road to the walls upon Mount St. George. By this way
the people sent six Gonfalons, with orders to assail their houses from
behind. This attack overcame the resolution of the Bardi, and decided
the day in favor of the people; for when those who defended the
barricades in the street learned that their houses were being plundered,
they left the principal fight and hastened to their defense. This caused
the Old Bridge to be lost; the Bardi fled in all directions and were
received into the houses of the Quaratesi, Panzanesi, and Mozzi. The
people, especially the lower classes, greedy for spoil, sacked and
destroyed their houses, and pulled down and burned their towers and
palaces with such outrageous fury, that the most cruel enemy of the
Florentine name would have been ashamed of taking part in such wanton
destruction.

The nobility being thus overcome, the people reformed the government;
and as they were of three kinds, the higher, the middle, and the lower
class, it was ordered that the first should appoint two signors; the two
latter three each, and that the Gonfalonier should be chosen alternately
from either party. Besides this, all the regulations for the restraint
of the nobility were renewed; and in order to weaken them still more,
many were reduced to the grade of the people. The ruin of the nobility
was so complete, and depressed them so much, that they never afterward
ventured to take arms for the recovery of their power, but soon became
humbled and abject in the extreme. And thus Florence lost the generosity
of her character and her distinction in arms.

After these events the city remained in peace till the year 1353. In the
course of this period occurred the memorable plague, described with so
much eloquence by Giovanni Boccaccio, and by which Florence lost 96,000
souls. In 1348, began the first war with the Visconti, occasioned by
the archbishop, then prince of Milan; and when this was concluded,
dissensions again arose in the city; for although the nobility were
destroyed, fortune did not fail to cause new divisions and new troubles.